V 


LIBRARY. 


Ho, 


THE 


LIFE 


OF 


GENERAL  WINFIELD  SCOTT, 


BY  EDWARD  D.  MANSFIELD,  ESQ. 


NEW   YORK: 
PUBLISHED   BY  A.  S.  BARNES   &   CO, 

NO.  51  JOHN-STREET. 

1846. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1846. 

BY  A.  S.  BARNES  &.  CO., 

In  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  United  States  for  the  Southern 
District  of  New  York. 


Stereotyped  by 

RICHARD  C.  VALENTINE, 
New  York. 

C.  A.  ALVORD,  Printer, 
Corner  of  John  and  Dutch  ilreeU. 


PREFACE. 


THE  life  of  a  public  man  is  a  Leaf  of  His 
tory.  It  is  a  leaf,  also,  in  which  minute  facts 
and  particular  causes  and  personal  transactions 
are  brought  out  in  such  strong  relief,  as  to  have 
the  effect  of  a  picture,  taken  from  the  Great 
World,  but  viewed,  as  we  view  small  portions  of 
the  firmament,  through  telescopic  glasses.  This 
effect  is  not  really  to  exaggerate,  but  to  give 
such  distinctness  to  each  object,  that  every  line 
and  hue  shall  be  visible  to  the  eye,  in  its  exact 
proportions.  If  we  see  less  in  extent,  we  see 
more  in  detail.  If  we  see  not  the  whole,  we 
shall  be  better  pleased  with  what  we  do  see. 
If  we  walk  with  less  dignity,  we  walk  in  more 
familiar  paths.  In  fine,  we  are  content  to  lose 
something  of  the  grandeur  of  history,  if  we  can 
gain  a  more  minute  knowledge  of  that  real  life, 
in  which  we  have  a  personal  interest,  in  which 
we  have  long  dwelt,  and  in  which  our  nature 
finds  kindred  sympathies. 


IV  PREFACE. 

Such  lives  are  essential  elements  in  the  great 
picture  of  Humanity  in  action,  of  which  the  his 
torian  is  the  painter,  and  whose  canvass  must 
contain  the  portraits  of  men,  as  well  as  the  pic 
tured  story  of  events,  the  memorials  and  the 
movement  of  nations.  We  must  see  the  heads 
of  the  actors,  as  well  as  the  great  moral  of  the 
actions,  which  together  compose  the  drama  of 
human  society. 

The  Life  of  General  Winfield  Scott  is  such 
an  element  in  the  recent  History  of  the  Ameri 
can  people.  It  cannot  be  separated  from  the 
great  American  action.  Men  may  take  what 
view  of  him,  or  the  acts  in  which  he  was  en 
gaged,  they  please ;  but  some  view  they  must 
take.  Those  acts  were  no  trifling  parts,  nor  per 
formed  in  an  unimportant  period  of  American 
progress.  They  commenced  in  the  agitations 
which  (excited  by  European  aggressions)  prece 
ded  the  war  of  1812.  They  were  brilliant  points 
on  the  battle-fields  of  Niagara,  the  most  glowing 
and  exciting  scenes  of  that  war.  They  moved 
on  from  the  Peace  of  1815  to  the  Indian  War 
of  1832,  on  our  Western  frontier.  They  made 
part  in  the  dramatic  and  deeply-interesting  scenes 
at  Charleston,  in  the  year  of  Nullification;  in 
the  removal  of  the  Cherokees  beyond  the  Mis 
sissippi;  and  in  the  pacification  of  the  Maine 


PREFACE. 


boundary.  In  all  these  scenes,  whether  of  war 
or  peace,  the  acts  of  Winfield  Scott  cannot  be 
separated  from  history;  and  he,  like  JEneas, 
(though  with  better  fortune,)  was  an  observed 
and  important  actor  in  the  drama  of  his  country. 

What  opinions  of  these  historical  acts  an  in 
dividual,  party,  or  sect  may  have  formed,  is  not 
the  business  of  the  historian  to  inquire.  His 
duty,  like  that  of  the  true  painter,  is  to  place 
the  lineaments  of  a  public  character  on  record, 
where  they  may  be  seen  by  all  observers,  and 
left  undisfigured  to  the  final  judgment  of  pos 
terity.  This  duty,  the  writer  has  undertaken  to 
perform  with  strict  fidelity.  The  records  of  the 
country  happily  furnish  the  foundation  for  most 
of  his  statements ;  the  testimony  of  eminent  and 
honorable  gentlemen,  themselves  actors  in  some 
of  the  scenes  described,  furnishes  other  materials  ; 
and,  finally,  the  papers  and  narratives  of  private 
persons,  make  up  an  aggregate  of  fact  and  evi 
dence,  amply  sufficient  to  satisfy  the  demands  of 
Truth,  Justice,  and  History. 

These  facts  the  writer  has  undertaken  to  com 
pose  in  a  clear  method,  an  easy  narrative,  and, 
as  far  as  he  has  the  ability,  an  agreeable  style. 
Beyond  this  he  does  not  seek  to  go.  He  would 
neither  exaggerate  the  objects  in  his  picture,  nor 
add  a  coloring  beyond  the  hues  of  Nature.  Nor 

1* 


VI  PREFACE. 

has  he  need ;  for  the  battle-fields  of  Niagara,  and 
the  exciting  crisis  in  which  civil  war  threatened 
to  burst  out  in  the  streets  of  Charleston,  have 
interest  enough,  without  any  distorted  figures 
drawn  by  the  pen  of  Fancy. 

In  fine,  the  author  desires  to  make  a  volume, 
however  humble,  of  authentic  and  unimpeach 
able  history.  As  such,  it  will  be,  at  least,  a 
small  contribution  to  public  instruction :  it  may 
be  some  testimony  to  the  glory  of  that  country, 
from  whose  records  it  has  been  chiefly  taken.  It 
will  aid  the  historian,  who  in  future  time  shall 
wish  to  fill  up  his  shining  page  with  the  actors 
and  action  of  our  days. 

As  such  a  volume,  this  work  has  been  writ 
ten  ;  as  such,  it  is  published ;  and  to  the  Ameri 
can  people,  in  whose  service  the  chief  subject  of 
it  has  long  been  honorably  engaged,  is  committed 
this  Leaf  from  his  Life  and  their  History. 

EDWARD  D.  MANSFIELD. 

CINCINNATI,  OHIO, 
Nov.  1845. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Period  succeeding  the  American  Revolution.— Causes  of  the  War  of  1812. 
—Its  effects  on  American  Independence.— Fruits  of  Peace Page  13 

CHAPTER  II. 

1786  TO  1808. 

Scott's  Parentage.— Education.— Early  Character.— Choice  of  a  Profession. 
— Entrance  into  the  Army. — Political  Opinions. . . „ 20 

CHAPTER  III. 

1808  TO  1812. 

Scott  is  transferred  to  Louisiana. — His  Persecution  by  Wilkinson. — Is  tried 
by  a  Court-Martial  and  suspended.— Pursues  his  Military  Studies.— Acts 
as  Judge- Advocate 25 

CHAPTER  IV. 

1812. 

Commencement  of  the  War.— State  of  the  Niagara  Frontier.— Scott  joins 
the  Army  on  the  Niagara  Frontier,  and  aids  in  a  gallant  Enterprise. — 
Battle  of  Queenstown  Heights.— Flag  of  Truce.— Surrender.— Scott's 
singular  Adventure  with  two  Indian  Chiefs. — Funeral  of  Brock 33 

CHAPTER  V. 

1812. 

Reflections  on  the  Principles  of  the  American  Government. — The  captured 
Irishmen. — Scott's  Interference  in  their  behalf. — Their  joyful  Interview 
with  him. — His  Efforts  with  the  Government. — Letter  of  Lord  Bathurst. 
— Mr.  Monroe's  Report. — Mr.  Hanson's  Speech. — Reflections  on  the 
whole 50 

CHAPTER  VI. 

1813. 

Capture  of  York  and  Death  of  Pike.— Scott  joins  the  Army  as  Adjutant- 
General. — Battle  and  Capture  of  Fort  George. — Pursuit  of  the  Enemy. — 
Anecdote. — Scott's  Magnanimity 77 


Vlll  CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

1813. 

British  Attack  on  Sacketts  Harbor.— Capture  of  Chandler  and  Winder- 
Surrender  of  Boerstler. — Scott's  Promotion. — Plan  of  the  Campaign. — 
Scott  at  Fort  George.— His  Departure  for  the  St.  Lawrence.— He  com 
mands  the  Advance  in  the  Descent  of  the  St.  Lawrence. — Retreat  of  the 
Army.— Reflections  on  the  Campaign Page  84 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

1814. 

Formation  of  the  Camp  of  Instruction  at  Buffalo. — Opening  of  the  Cam 
paign. — Passage  of  the  Niagara. — Skirmish  with  the  Marquis  of  Twee- 
dale. — Position  of  the  Armies. — Battle  of  Chippewa. — Its  Consequences. 
—British  Views 99 


CHAPTER  IX. 

1814. 

American  Army  crosses  the  Chippewa.— Demonstration  towards  Burling 
ton  Heights.— Battle  of  Niagara.— Scott  wounded  and  disabled 121 

CHAPTER  X. 

1814. 

Retreat  of  the  American  Army.— Drummond  besieges  Fort  Erie  —Assault 
of  the  British  on  Fort  Erie.— Sortie  of  the  Americans  from  Fort  Erie.— 
Retreat  of  the  British  Army.— Close  of  the  Campaign 133 

CHAPTER  XL 

1814  TO  1817. 

Scott's  Journey  from  Niagara  to  Philadelphia.— Is  received  at  Princeton 
with  Honors,  by  the  Faculty  and  Students  of  Nassau  Hall.— Receives 
the  Honorary  Degree  of  Master  of  Arts.— Pleasing  Incident  at  Com 
mencement. — Scott's  Journey  to  Europe. — Is  intrusted  with  Diplomatic 
Functions.— Correspondence  with  Kosciusko.— His  Marriage 142 

CHAPTER  XII. 

Scott's  Promotions.— Resolution  of  Congress.— Presentation  of  the  Medal 
by  President  Monroe. — Inscription. — Resolutions  of  Virginia. — Scott's 
Correspondence  with  Governor  Nicholas. — Resolutions  of  New  York.— 
Presentation  of  a  Sword,  and  the  Address,  by  Governor  Tompkins.— 
Scott  a  Member  of  the  Cincinnati 151 


CONTENTS.  IX 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

General  Jackson's  Order  of  1817. — Reflections. — The  Anonymous  Letter. 
— Correspondence  of  Scott  and  Jackson. — Implication  of  Clinton. — The 
true  Facts. — Reconciliation  of  Scott  and  Jackson. — Scott's  Notice  of  his 
Death Page  165 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

1821  TO  1832. 

Scott  writes  the  Military  Institutes. — Prepares  Reports  on  Tactics. — His 
Essay  on  Temperance. — Obtains  Admission  to  the  Military  Academy 
for  the  Sons  of  General  Paez. — Correspondence  with  General  Paez. — 
Controversy  on  Brevet  Rank.— Goes  to  Europe 179 

CHAPTER  XV. 

1831  TO  1832. 

Indian  Character.— Village  of  the  Sacs. — Origin  of  the  Black-Hawk  War.— 
Progress  of  the  War. — Its  Termination. — Scott  sails  with  the  Troops  from 
Buffalo.— Progress  of  the  Asiatic  Cholera.— Sufferings  of  Scott's  Troops. 
— Scott's  Kindness  in  Sickness. — Indian  Council  at  Rock  Island. — Ke-o- 
kuck.— Indian  Scenes.— Indian  Dances.— Indian  Treaties 197 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

1828  TO  1832. 

General  Scott  ordered  to  Charleston.— Tariff  of  1828.— Colleton  Meeting.— 
Resistance  to  the  Laws  proposed. — McDuffie's  Speech. — St.  Helena 
Resolution. — Germ  of  Nullification. — Major  Hamilton's  Speech  at  Wal- 
terborough. — Nullification. — Resolutions  of  the  South  Carolina  Legisla 
ture. — J.  C.  Calhoun's  Letter  from  Fort  Hill. — Judge  Smith's  Answer  at 
Spartanburg. — Union  Party. — Convention. — Ordinance  of  Nullification. 
—Governor  Gayle.— State  Resolutions.— General  Jackson's  Proclama 
tion. — Troops  ordered  to  Charleston. — General  Scott's  Orders. — Scott's 
Arrangements. — Test  Oath. — Night  Scene  in  Charleston. — Conduct  of 
the  Army  and  Navy.— Fire  in  Charleston  and  Incidents.— Scott's  Corre 
spondence 220 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

1835  TO  1837. 

Commencement  of  the  Florida  War. — Description  of  the  Seminoles. — 
Character  of  Osceola. — Battle  of  Wythlacooche. — Massacre  of  Dade's 
Command. — General  Scott  ordered  to  command  the  Army  of  Florida. — 
Plan  of  the  Campaign. — Its  Termination. — Meeting  of  the  Troops  at 


X  CONTENTS. 

Tampa  Bay.— Expeditions.— Sickness  of  the  Army.— Retreats  of  the  In 
dians.— Description  of  Florida.— The  Hammock.— The  Everglades.— 
Scott's  Report.— The  Manner  of  his  Recall.— Demands  a  Court  of  In 
quiry.— Meeting  of  the  Court.— Hia  Speech.— Opinion  of  the  Court.— Mr. 
Riddle's  Speech  in  Congress.— Scott  invited  to  a  Public  Dinner  in  New 
York.— He  declines.— His  Letter.— Asks  to  command  the  Army  in 
Florida,  and  is  refused Page  259 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 

1837-1839. 

Troubles  on  the  Niagara  Frontier.— Patriot  Excitement.— Attack  on  the 
Caroline.— General  Scott  ordered  to  the  Niagara.— Is  accompanied  by 
Governor  Marcy. — Scott's  Measures. — He  harangues  the  People. — Ex 
citing  Adventure  with  the  Barcelona.— He  maintains  Peace.— He  is 
complimented  at  Albany.— Toasts 287 

CHAPTER  XIX. 

1838. 

Cherokee  Controversy. — Measures  for  Removal. — General  Scott  ordered  to 
command  the  Troops. — His  Arrangements. — General  Order. — Address 
to  the  Indians. — Enrolment  for  Removal. — Indian  Encampment. — Scott's 
Humane  Care. — He  is  ordered  again  to  the  North. — Reflections. — Dr. 
Channing's  Eulogy 299 

CHAPTER  XX. 

1839. 

Scott  again  on  the  Northern  Frontier. — Maine  Boundary  Question. — Its 
Origin. — Scott's  Reception  by  Governor  Everett. — Proceedings  of  the 
State  of  Maine.— Scott's  Arrival  and  Reception  at  Augusta.— Remarks 
in  Congress  in  Anticipation  of  War. — Mr.  Van  Buren's  Message. — The 
"Memorandum."— Effect  of  the  "  Memorandum"  in  Maine. — Governor 
Fairfield's  Message.— Resolutions  of  the  Legislature.— Former  Friend 
ship  of  Scott  and  Harvey. — Interesting  Anecdote. — Correspondence  of 
Scott  and  Harvey.— Scott's  "  Memorandum."— Termination  of  the  Diffi 
culties.— Treaty  made  by  Daniel  Webster 319 

CHAPTER  XXI. 

1839  TO  1845. 

Scott  presented  for  the  Presidency  in  1839. — Whig  Convention  of  1839. — 
Scott's  Vote.— Scott  is  made  Commander  of  the  Army.— His  Letter  in 
Answer  to  Queries. — His  Letter  to  the  Dayton  Committee  in  184-2. — His 
Letter  on  Slavery  in  1843.— His  Letters  on  the  Question  of  Peace  and 
War.— Biography  defined.— This  a  Work  of  History.— Growth  and 
Prospects  of  the  American  Nation 343 


MAP  OF  THE  NIAGARA  FRONTIER. 


LIFE 


GENERAL  WINFIELD  SCOTT. 


CHAPTER   I. 

Period  succeeding  the  American  Revolution. — Causes  of  the  War  of  1812. 
— Its  effects  on  American  Independence. — Fruits  of  Peace. 

THE  Life  of  General  Winfield  Scott  extends  over  the 
period  from  the  adoption  of  the  American  Constitution  to 
the  present  time.  It  is  a  period  memorable  in  events — 
remarkable  for  its  social  changes — splendid  in  the  dramatic 
exhibition  of  great  historical  actions,  and  curious  to  the 
student  of  human  nature,  as  a  continual  development  of 
new  and  various  forms  of  intellectual  growth  and  political 
arrangements.  It  can  scarcely  be  touched  upon,  even  in 
the  life  of  an  individual,  without  calling  up  some  of  those 
strange  scenes  which,  in  the  half  century,  succeeding  the 
American  Revolution,  surprised  both  the  actor  and  the 
beholder.  Whether  we  dwell  upon  the  rough  incidents  of 
war,  or  the  gentle  arts  of  peace,  the  mind  will — in  how 
ever  small  a  degree — recall  something  of  the  fearful  shock 


14  EFFECTS  OF  THE  REVOLUTION. 

which  once  attended  the  controversy  of  nations ;  some 
thing  of  the  glory  which  once,  wrapt  in  garments  of  blood, 
rolled  over  the  battle-fields ;  something  of  those  benign 
inventions,  which  accompanied  the  returning  chariot  of 
commerce  ;  and  something  of  the  pleasant  and  the  beauti 
ful  in  the  progress  of  human  reformations. 

The  war  of  the  American  Revolution  did  not  end  with 
the  treaty  of  peace.  The  conflict  of  arms  continued  in 
Europe,  and  the  clangor  of  battle  was  heard  across  the 
Atlantic,  like  the  thunders  of  a  retreating  storm.  The 
French  Revolution  succeeded  the  American,  and  carried 
the  overthrow  of  government  and  the  destruction  of  estab 
lished  institutions  to  such  an  extreme  issue,  that  the  idea 
of  political  reformation  on  one  hand,  and  the  dread  of  a 
fearful  change  on  the  other,  agitated  and  convulsed  the 
populations  of  the  civilized  world. 

In  America,  the  Revolution  had  established  a  just  and 
noble  independence  for  the  once  colonized  subjects  of 
England  ;  but  it  had  also  left  them  with  the  debt  of  a  long 
war  to  provide  for,1  with  much  of  the  spirit  of  insubordi 
nation,2  with  commerce  in  a  great  measure  destroyed,  and 
with  separate  states  unconsolidated  by  national  institu 
tions.3  Several  years  elapsed  before  the  Constitution  was 
formed,4  and  law  firmly  established  under  the  happy  ad 
ministration  of  Washington.  Even  then  the  fires  of  war 
were  not  wholly  extinguished.  They  broke  out  anew  on 
the  northwestern  frontier,  in  fresh  conflicts  with  the  tribes 

1  The  public  debt  of  the  United  States  was,  in  1791,  $75,463,467. 
*  See  Shay's  Insurrection  in  Massachusetts. 

1  General  Washington's  Letter  to  the  Governors  of  States,  June,  1783. 
4  The  Constitution  was  formed  in  1787,  and  went  into  operation  on  the 
4th  of  March,  1789,  six  years  after  the  peace. 


THE  NEW  PRINCIPLE  OF  GOVERNMENT.  15 

of  the  Ohio  and  the  Wabash.  The  spirit  of  civilization 
was  again  encountered  by  the  retreating  warriors  of  bar 
barism.  The  red  chiefs  of  the  forest  parted  with  bitter 
strife  from  that  solemn  wilderness  in  which  they  so  long 
had  wandered,  whose  wild  liberty  they  so  long  had  cher 
ished,  whose  homes  and  graves  they  so  long  had  loved. 
They  were  impelled,  if  not  instigated,  by  hopes  or  pro 
mises  of  European  assistance.1  The  region  of  the  Miamis 
was  the  scene  of  a  fierce  war.  Battles  were  fought  and 
lost  by  the  new  republic  ;  and  it  was  not  till  the  victory 
of  Wayne,  that  the  supremacy  of  the  whites  was  estab 
lished  in  the  valley  of  the  Ohio — its  rich  lands  and  de 
lightful  climate  opened  to  the  possession  of  emigrants — and 
Christian  civilization  left  free  to  fill  with  cities,  with  culti 
vated  fields,  and  humanizing  arts,  the  broad  plains  and 
verdant  vales,  extending  from  the  ridge  of  the  Alleghanies 
to  the  Andes  of  the  North. 

The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  of  North  America 
is  at  once  the  true  basis  of  the  American  nation,  and  the 
most  splendid  monument  to  its  political  genius.  Unlike  the 
constitutions  which  were  subsequently  formed  in  Europe 
and  in  some  parts  of  America,  it  remains  permanent.  Un 
like  other  governments  also  of  either  ancient  or  modern 
times,  its  principle  is,  the  consent  of  the  governed,  and  not 
the  power  of  the  governor.  It  places  no  restraint  upon 
either  the  political  action  or  utterance  of  the  people.  Hence 
their  minds  are  free  to  follow,  in  regard  to  either  foreign  or 
domestic  policy,  the  dictates  of  reason,  or  interest,  or  pas 
sion,  or  prejudice ;  and  to  pursue,  wherever  it  may  lead, 
that  wild  and  fierce  spirit  of  liberty,  (as  some  conservative 

1  See  Washington's  Letter  to  Mr.  Jay,  dated  30th  August,  1794. 


16          NEUTRAL  POLICY  OF  WASHINGTON. 

minds  have  thought  it,)  which  has  agitated  but  never  dis 
united  the  American  nation. 

Succeeding  the  formation  of  the  American  Constitution, 
was  a  rapid  succession  of  dramatic  historical  acts,  from 
whose  vivid  and  often  terrible  scenes  the  excited  imagina 
tions  of  men  can  scarcely  yet  be  withdrawn.  The  spirits 
of  revolution  and  anti-revolution,  represented  in  the  French 
and  English  nations,  struggled  for  mastery  on  the  ct  nti- 
nent  of  Europe,  and  moved  the  social  waters  of  the  Chris 
tian  world.  They  sought  for  allies  in  the  bosom  of  e^ery 
other  nation.  They  flattered  or  threatened,  bribed  or  de 
stroyed,  whatever  other  governments  or  nations  stood  in 
the  way  of  their  dominion.  One  wielded  the  empire  of 
the  ocean,  the  other  that  of  the  land. 

Far  over  the  western  seas,  as  were  the  United  States, 
yet  they  could  not  wholly  escape  the  consequences  of 
such  a  collision  between  such  mighty  forces.  Efforts  were 
made  to  draw  them  into  alliances  on  the  one  hand  and  on 
the  other.  England  appealed  to  America  by  the  strong 
argument  of  consanguineous  kindred,  and  France,  by  ser 
vices  rendered  in  the  hour  of  adversity,  and  friendships 
kindled  in  the  season  of  youth.  Both  were  arguments 
acknowledged  and  appeals  felt,  by  large  portions  of  the 
people  of  the  United  States.  The  neutral  policy  was, 
however,  preferred,  lest  we  should  be  involved  in  contro 
versies  alien  to  the  republican  principles  of  the  govern 
ment  ;  and  it  was  further  commended  by  the  potential 
voice  of  the  Father  of  his  Country.1 

The  European  nations  had,  since  the  Christian  era, 
been  without  any  example  of  the  permanent  stability  and 

1  See  Washington's  Farewell  Address,  and  other  public  documents. 


CAUSES  OF  THE  WAR  OF  1812.  17 

widely  developed  energies  of  a  republic.  They  therefore 
believed  the  American  government  only  the  creature  of 
temporary  excitement,  and  its  resistance  to  their  solicita 
tions  merely  the  efforts  of  infantile  weakness. 

This  belief  they  carried  into  practice.  The  institutions 
of  the  United  States  were  contemned.  Their  neutral 
rights  were  violated,  and  their  national  sovereignty,  dear 
to  every  people,  was  attacked,  insulted,  and  despised.  In 
less  than  twenty  years,  occurred  the  insults  of  the  French 
ambassador  to  President  Washington,1  the  impressment 
of  American  seamen,2  the  attack  on  the  Chesapeake,3  the 
British  Orders  in  Council,  and  the  French  Berlin  and 
Milan  decrees,4  a  series  of  wrongs  and  contempts,  at  this 
time  almost  incredible.  The  historian  of  European  opin 
ions  has  not  ventured  to  defend  them,5  but,  in  admitting 
the  hard  conduct  of  England  and  France  to  neutral 
nations,6  only  contends  that  the  United  States  had  not 
equitably  assessed  the  proportions  of  damage  and  outrage 
inflicted  on  them  by  the  great  aggressors  in  Europe  !7 


1  The  appeal  of  Genet  (the  French  ambassador)  from  the  president  to 
the  people,  occurred. 

8  The  British  claimed  the  right  of  impressment  (as  a  maritime  right) 
during  the  whole  war  with  France.  See  Alison's  History  of  Europe, 
second  Edinburgh  edition,  vol.  x.  page  600. 

8  June  23d,  1807. 

4  Mr.  Fox  declared  the  coasts  of  France  and  Holland,  from  Brest  to 
the  Elbe,  blockaded,  May  16th,  1806.  The  Berlin  decree  was  issued  by 
Napoleon,  Nov.  21st,  1806.  The  British  Orders  in  Council  were  issued 
Nov.  llth,  1807;  their  object  was  to  establish  a  paper  blockade,  and, 
under  it,  to  confiscate  neutral  property. 

6  See  Alison's  History,  82d  chapter. 

'  See  Alison. 

T  This  is  the  precise  argument  of  Alison's  History  of  Europe. 

2 


18    CLOSE  OF  THE  SECOND  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE. 

The  people  of  America  thought  differently.  They  closed 
these  scenes  of  contempt  forever,  by  the  war  of  1812 — a 
war  made  necessary  to  sustain  the  national  honor,  inter 
ests,  and  independence,  against  continued  aggressions  and 
undeserved  contumely. 

It  was  thus  the  war  of  the  American  Revolution  agi 
tated  the  nations  of  Europe  ;  thus  it  raised  up  contending 
spirits  on  other  continents  ;  and  thus  it  revisited  the  shores 
of  America  long  after  the  independence  of  its  repub 
lican  states  was  firmly  established.  Its  return  was  like 
the  wave  cast  upon  the  beach  by  the  agitations  of  a  storm 
long  passed  away.  These  agitations  did  not  cease  till 
Napoleon,  the  lion  of  his  age,  was  exiled  to  the  rock  of 
St.  Helena  ;  till  England  had  been  taught  to  respect 
America ;  till  America  herself  had  achieved  more  than  one 
glorious  victory,  both  by  land  and  sea ;  and,  in  fine,  till 
our  republic  had  a  second  time  vindicated  its  right  to  the 
dignity  of  a  nation,  and  the  sovereignty  of  a  separate  gov 
ernment. 

The  drama  thus  closed  was  as  beneficent  in  its  effects, 
as  it  was  grand  in  action,  and  momentous  in  events.  All 
the  national  relations  of  the  world  were  changed.  Gov 
ernments  of  whatever  form  henceforth  professed  to  live 
for  the  people. 

The  change  in  the  arts  of  life  was  no  less  remarkable. 
Where  the  storm  of  war  had  passed  with  its  darkness  and 
desolations,  the  peace  of  1815  left  its  broad  sunlight,  and 
diffused  its  genial  warmth.  The  refreshing  verdure  of 
spring  upon  hills  and  vales,  or  the  ripening  fruits  of  glori 
ous  summer,  are  not  more  visible  to  the  eye  of  the  hus 
bandmen,  than  are  the  fruits  of  the  national  convulsions 
and  controversies,  which  intervened  between  the  first  and 


FRUITS  OF  PEACE.  19 

second  American  wars,  to  the  intelligent  and  well-instruct 
ed  mind.  They  are  visible  in  all  the  actions  of  civil  and 
social  life.  They  spring  up  in  the  new  and  wonderful 
arts  of  invention  ;  in  the  increased  growth  of  population ; 
in  the  multiplied  comforts  of  families ;  in  the  diffused 
benefits  of  science  and  literature  ;  and  in  the  wide-spread 
power  of  commerce,  sweeping  round  the  earth,  gathering 
its  continual  harvest,  and  sending  forth  to  once  unvisited 
regions,  the  bearers  of  love  and  mercy.  National  courte 
sies  are  renewed,  Christian  principles  adopted  ;  and  man 
kind  seem,  at  last,  engaged  in  the  happy  work  of  bringing 
from  the  earth  its  richest  products,  and  from  immortal 
mind  its  noblest  powers  ! 


20          SCOTT'S  PARENTAGE. — EARLY  CHARACTER. 


CHAPTER   II. 

1786  TO  1808. 

Scott's  Parentage. — Education  — Early  Character. — Choice  of  a  Profes 
sion. — Entrance  into  the  Army. — Political  Opinions. 

WINFIELD  SCOTT  was  born  the  13th  of  June,  1786, 
near  Petersburg,  in  Virginia.  His  descent  may  be  traced 
from  a  Scottish  gentleman  of  the  Lowlands,  who,  with  his 
elder  brother,  was  engaged  in  the  Rebellion  of  1745.  The 
elder  was  slain  on  the  field  of  Culloden.  The  younger, 
involved  in  the  consequences  of  that  severe  disaster,  emi 
grated  to  America,  and,  bringing  with  him  little  except  a 
liberal  education,  commenced  the  practice  of  the  law  in 
Virginia.  He  married  there,  and  was  successful  in  his 
profession,  but  died  young. 

His  son  William  married  Ann  Mason,  a  lady  of  one  of 
the  most  respectable  families  of  Virginia.  He  lived  a 
farmer  by  occupation,  and  died  in  1791,  leaving  two  sons 
and  several  daughters.  The  eldest  of  the  sons  was 
James,  who  commanded  a  regiment  at  Norfolk,  in  1812, 
and  the  youngest  WINFIELD,  the  subject  of  this  Memoir. 
At  the  death  of  his  father,  the  care  of  the  family  and  the 
education  of  the  children  devolved  upon  the  widow,  who 
is  reputed  to  have  discharged  her  duties  in  the  most  ex 
emplary  manner.  She  died  in  1803,  leaving  Scott,  at 
seventeen  years  of  age,  in  the  very  outset  of  active  life. 

At  this  time,  his  character  is  described,  by  one  who 


ADMISSION  TO  THE  BAR.  21 

well  knew  him,  as  distinctly  formed.  He  was  full  of 
hope,  and  animated  by  a  just  sense  of  honor,  and  a  gener 
ous  ambition  of  honest  fame.  His  heart  was  open  and 
Kind  to  all  the  world,  warm  with  affection  towards  his 
friends,  and  with  no  idea  that  he  had,  or  deserved  to  have, 
an  enemy. 

The  particulars  of  his  early  education  are  not  fully 
known ;  but  it  seems  that  he  was  intended  for  one  of  the 
learned  professions.  He  pursued  the  usual  preparatory 
studies,  and  spent  a  year  in  the  high-school  at  Richmond, 
under  the  teachings  of  Ogilvie,  then  quite  a  celebrated 
man.  Thence,  he  went  of  his  own  accord  to  the  College 
of  William  and  Mary,  where  he  remained  one  or  two 
years,  and  attended  a  course  of  law  lectures.  He  finished 
his  legal  studies  in  the  office  of  David  Robertson,  a  Scots 
man,  who  had  been  sent  out  originally  as  a  tutor  in  the 
family  of  Scott's  maternal  grandfather.  He  is  said  to 
have  been  a  learned  and  worthy  man.1 

In  1806,  Scott  was  admitted  to  the  bar,  but  remained 
in  Virginia  only  about  a  year.  During  this  time,  he  rode 
the  circuit  two  terms,  in  the  vicinity  of  Petersburg.  In 
the  same  period  he  resided  and  read  much  with  Benja 
min  Watkins  Leigh,  Esq.,  since  well  known  as  one  of  the 
chief  ornaments  of  the  bar  and  state  of  Virginia.  He 
then,  and  subsequently,  enjoyed  the  advice  and  instruction 
of  this  able  counsellor — an  advantage  and  obligation  he 
has  ever  been  ready  to  acknowledge. 

In  the  autumn  of  1807,  he  emigrated  to  South  Carolina, 


1  He  was  reporter  of  the  debates  in  the  Convention  of  Virginia,  called 
to  consider  the  adoption  of  the  Federal  Constitution ;  and  also  of  the  pro 
ceedings  on  the  trial  of  Aaron  Burr. 


22  APPROACH  OP  A  WAR. 

intending  to  practise  law  in  the  courts  of  Charleston.  For 
this  purpose  he  passed  through  Columbia,  the  seat  of 
government,  to  procure  from  the  legislature  a  special  ex 
emption  from  the  general  law  requiring  practitioners  to 
have  a  year's  residence  in  the  state.  It  passed  one  house, 
but  failed,  from  want  of  time,  in  the  other.  This  defeated 
his  intention  of  immediate  practice  in  Charleston,  and  not 
improbably  turned  the  current  of  his  life.  Disengaged 
from  business,  the  political  events  of  his  country,  then 
rapidly  moving  to  a  crisis,  soon  transferred  him  to  another 
and  a  more  active  and  brilliant  scene.  It  was  just  at  this 
period,  that  the  aggressions  of  the  European  powers, 
especially  England,  on  the  commerce  of  the  United  States, 
had  reached  their  height,  and  inspired  the  youth  of  the 
nation  with  martial  feelings.  A  spirit  of  resistance  was 
excited,  and,  to  discerning  eyes,  not  a  few  indications  of 
war  were  visible. 

In  this  spirit  of  patriotism  and  of  indignant  resent 
ment  for  wrongs  endured,  Scott  largely  shared.  We 
have  seen  that  he  was  then  hopeful,  ambitious,  and  emu 
lous  of  fame.  Thus  he  combined  in  his  character  the  ele 
ments  of  a  patriot  soldier. 

In  the  summer  of  1807,  he  had  specially  volunteered, 
as  a  member  of  a  Petersburg  troop  of  horse,  that  had  been 
called  out  under  the  proclamation  of  the  president,  forbid 
ding  the  harbors  of  the  United  States  to  British  vessels  of 
war.  This  was  in  consequence  of  the  attack  on  the  frig 
ate  Chesapeake.  Their  station  was  near  Lynnhaven  Bay, 
and  their  duty  soon  over. 

On  his  return  to  the  north,  after  his  visit  to  Charleston, 
the  country  was  in  the  midst  of  the  political  excitements 
which  attended  renewed  difficulties  with  England,  and 


SHALL  ENGLAND  OR  FRANCE  BE  ATTACKED  ?  23 

the  enactment  of  the  embargo  law.1  In  the  winter  of 
1807-8,  a  bill  was  introduced  into  Congress  for  the  en 
largement  of  the  army,  and  Scott,  like  many  others  of  his 
young  countrymen,  applied  for  a  commission  in  the  new 
regiments  about  to  be  raised.  The  bill  lingered,  however, 
in  Congress,  and  the  prospect  of  war  diminished.  Scott, 
impatient  at  the  want  of  decision  in  the  public  councils, 
and  dissatisfied  with  his  own  want  of  employment,  re 
turned  to  his  circuit.  The  augmentation  of  the  army,  not 
withstanding  the  delay,  took  place.  The  law  was  passed 
in  April,  and  in  May,  1808,  he  became,  through  the  in 
fluence  of  his  friend  and  neighbor,  the  Hon.  William  B. 
Giles,  a  captain  of  light  artillery. 

The  war,  however,  to  which  so  many  of  the  warm 
spirits  of  the  country  looked  forward,  was  not  yet  to  take 
place.  It  was  one  of  the  singular  results  of  party  spirit, 
that  the  nation  found  it  difficult  to  choose  the  object  of  its 
hostility.  It  could  not  be  denied,  that  both  England  and 
France  had  done  enough  against  the  neutral  commerce  of 
the  United  States  to  excite  the  just  resentment  of  any  in 
dependent  nation,  but  the  sympathies  of  the  people  were 
divided  between  the  French  and  English  parties  in  the 
great  continental  war.  It  was  then  too  little  felt  that  the 
republic  of  the  United  States  was  itself  a  great  nation,  to 
which  the  controversies  of  Europe  were  entirely  foreign, 
and  to  whose  views,  interests,  and  principles,  those  of  ev 
ery  other  people  were  dissimilar,  if  not  antagonistic.  It  was 
urged  by  those  who  sympathized  with  England,  that 
France  was  the  aggressor  in  the  attacks  on  neutral  com- 

1  The  embargo  was  enacted  in  the  close  of  1807,  and  the  non-inter 
course  act,  1st  of  March,  1808. 


24  OPINIONS  OF  SCOTT. 

merce,  and  by  those  who  sympathized  with  France,  that 
England  had  committed  other  and  greater  wrongs.  The 
controversy  is  still  kept  up  in  the  volumes  of  respectable 
historians.1  There  was  one  claim,  however,  set  up  by 
England,  which,  in  spite  of  French  confiscations,2  cast  the 
balance  greatly  against  England.  It  was  the  claim  to 
search  the  ships  and  impress  the  seamen  of  neutral  nations 
— a  right  which  she  claimed  "under  the  common  maritime 
laws  of  nations,"  arid  which,  but  for  American  resistance, 
she  would  have  continued  to  exercise,  and  be,  in  fact,3  the 
mistress  of  the  seas. 

It  was  under  the  pressure  of  acts  and  claims  so  utterly 
hostile  to  the  interests  and  dignity  of  the  United  States, 
that  the  American  nation,  with  an  executive  averse  to  war,4 
and  a  policy  entirely  peaceful,  were  finally  induced  to  take 
up  arms  against  Great  Britain.  In  the  political  contro 
versies  of  this  exciting  period,  Scott  was,  in  his  opinions 
and  acts,  with  the  Democratic  party.  He  was  educated, 
believed,  and  acted,  according  to  the  political  principles  of 
Mr.  Jefferson.  He  supported  the  election  of  Mr.  Madison 
to  the  presidency,  and,  from  the  attack  on  the  Chesapeake 
to  the  declaration  of  war,  he  was  an  approver,  a  supporter, 
and  a  writer  in  favor,  of  war  measures. 


1  See  the  82d  chapter  of  Alison's  History. 

a  The  French  confiscated  at  Antwerp,  and  many  other  places,  enor 
mous  amounts  of  American  property,  which  was  sold  for  the  benefit  of  the 
French  military  chest ! 

*  The  claim  amounted  to  a  claim  to  absolute  dominion. 

*  Mr.  Madison  was  very  averse  to  war,  if  it  could  be  avoided. 


CAUSES  OF  THE  PURCHASE  OF  LOUISIANA.  25 


CHAPTER   III. 

1808  TO  1812. 

Scott  is  transferred  to  Louisiana. — His  Persecution  by  Wilkinson. — Is 
tried  by  a  Court  Martial  and  suspended. — Pursues  his  Military  Studies. 
' — Acts  as  Judge  Advocate. 

THE  purchase  of  Louisiana  imposed  upon  the  govern 
ment  of  the  United  States  the  necessity  of  its  defence. 
The  Mississippi  disemboguing  itself  into  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico,  after  traversing  more  than  four  thousand  miles  of 
fertile  valleys,  its  mouth  became  one  of  the  most  impor 
tant  commercial  points  in  America  or  in  the  world.  The 
vast  importance  of  that  point  to  the  numerous  rivers,  to 
the  broad  alluvial  plains,  and  to  the  millions  of  people 
who  should,  in  after-time,  live  upon  them,1  had  been, 
foreseen  by  wise  men,  and  caused  the  purchase  of 
that  territory,  to  secure  the  growth  of  the  West,  the 
navigation  of  its  rivers  to  the  ocean,  the  defence  of  the 
frontier,  and  the  permanency  of  the  Union.  The  sa 
gacity  of  the  purchase  all  history  will  now  admit.  Since 
the  days  of  Alexander  no  more  valuable  addition  has 
been  made  to  the  possessions  of  any  nation,  by  the  con 
quests  of  war,  or  the  arts  of  negotiation.  This  peace 
ful  acquisition  was  to  the  United  States  a  more  solid 

1  Beyond  doubt,  the  territory  acquired  by  the  purchase  of  Louisiana, 
will  maintain  and  must  soon  have  one  hundred  millions  of  people 


26  SCOTT  IS  ORDERED  TO  NEW  ORLEANS. 

property  and  a  more  durable  laurel,  than  any  acquired  by 
the  victories  of  the  Roman  Caesar. 

When  the  difficulties  arose  with  Great  Britain,  it  was 
apprehended  that  a  sudden  invasion  of  Louisiana  might 
be  made,  and  under  this  apprehension  a  military  force 
was  kept  there,  under  the  command  of  General  Wilkin 
son.  In  1809,  Scott  was  ordered  to  New  Orleans,  and 
joined  the  army  there.  He  was  then  a  captain  of  light 
artillery,  at  only  twenty-three  years  of  age,  frank,  ardent, 
and  bold.  It  was  not  at  all  surprising,  then,  that  he 
should  express  his  opinions  with  freedom,  or  that  such 
freedom  should  sometimes  be  ill  received  by  others. 
This  was  the  case  in  a  difficulty  which  soon  after  ensued 
between  Scott  and  Wilkinson. 

The  origin  of  this  difficulty  was  in  the  connection  of 
the  latter  with  the  trial  and  intrigues  of  Burr.  Scott  had 
witnessed  the  development  of  these  transactions  at  Rich 
mond,  before  he  joined  the  army,  and  thought  the  conduct 
of  his  present  commander  doubtful.  Wilkinson  made 
several  unsuccessful  efforts  to  win  him  to  his  purposes, 
as  "  a  young  man  who  could  speak,  and  write,  and  fight" 
— qualifications  for  which  he  had  almost  daily  occasions. 
Having  failed  to  gain  the  confidence  of  Scott,  the  general 
seems  to  have  been  determined  to  force  him  out  of  the 
service  by  continued  persecutions.  Scott's  frankness, 
frequently  pushed  to  indiscretion,  soon  gave  the  general 
a  favorable  opportunity  of  striking  the  meditated  blow. 

Circumstances  which  afterwards  occurred,  brought  on 
a  crisis.  The  discipline  of  the  Mississippi  army  became 
much  impaired.  The  camp  established  in  June,  1809,  a 
little  below  New  Orleans,  became,  as  many  had  foreseen, 
very  sickly.  A  large  part  of  the  army  perished.  The 


THE  COURT  MARTIAL.  2t 

survivors  were  transferred  to  a  new  camp  near  Natchez  ; 
and  Wilkinson  was  ordered  to  the  seat  of  government,  to 
undergo  an  investigation  into  his  conduct.  In  the  win 
ter  of  1809-10,  General  Hampton  took  the  command 
in  the  South,  but  Wilkinson  still  remained  in  the  neigh 
borhood. 

The  fact  that  Wilkinson  was  not  then  in  command, 
caused  Scott  to  think  he  might  indulge  in  censures  of  that 
officer,  without  violating  the  rules  of  military  service. 
Accordingly  he  was  quite  free  in  discussing  the  conduct, 
of  his  late  commander,  who  was  soon  made  acquainted 
with  the  criticisms  of  the  young  captain  of  artillery,  and, 
as  the  result  showed,  deeply  offended.  Scott  was  arrest- 
Qd,  and  tried  by  a  court  martial  on  two  charges. 

The  first  was  substantially,  that  of  withholding  the 
men's  money  placed  in  his  possession  for  their  payment, 
for  two  months,  and  withholding  it  intentionally. 

The  second  was  unofficer-like  conduct,  in  using  disre 
spectful  language  towards  his  superior  officer,  in  violation 
of  the  6th  Article  of  War,  which  says,  that  "  any  officer 
who  shall  behave  himself  with  contempt  and  disrespect  to 
wards  his  commanding  officer,  shall  be  punished,  accord 
ing  to  the  nature  of  the  offence,  by  the  judgment  of  a 
court  martial." 

The  first  of  these  charges  (substantially  that  of  em 
bezzlement)  Scott  indignantly  denied ;  but  the  second, 
that  of  "  disrespectful  language,"  he  acknowledged,  and 
boldly  undertook  to  justify.  The  trial  took  place  at  Wash 
ington,  near  Natchez,  in  January,  1810.  The  result  was, 
that  the  court  acquitted  him  of  all  fraudulent  intention  in  de 
taining  the  money  of  his  men ;  but  convicted  him  under  the 
second  charge  of  unofficer-like  conduct,  (for  using  disre- 


28  CHARGES  AND  SPECIFICATIONS. 

spectful  language  towards  his  commanding  officer,)  and 
sentenced  him  to  suspension  from  rank,  pay,  and  emolu 
ments  for  one  year.1 

1  As  this  trial  and  charges  may  possibly  be  misunderstood,  we  have  ob 
tained  an  authenticated  abstract  of  the  Record,  in  regard  to  the  findings 
and  sentence  against  Captain  Scott.     On  the  specifications  not  quoted, 
lie  was  fully  acquitted. 
CHARGE  I. — "  Conduct  unbecoming  an  officer  and  a  gentleman." 

1.  Specification. — "  In   withholding  at  sundry  times  men's  money 
placed  in  his  possession  for  their  payment,  for  the  months  of  Sep 
tember  and  October." 

2.  Specification. — (Acquitted.) 

CHARGE  II. — And  Specifications. — (Acquitted.) 

CHARGE   III. — (Additional.)  — "  Ungentlemanly  and  unofficer-like   con 
duct." 

1.  Specification. — "  In  saying,  between  the  first  of  December  and. 
the  first  of  January,  1809-10,  at  a  public  table,  in  Washington, 
(Mississippi  Territory,)  that  he  never  saw  but  two  traitors,  General 
Wilkinson  and  Burr,  and  that  General  Wilkinson  was  a  liar  and  a 
scoundrel." 

2.  Specification. — (Acquitted.) 

Finding  and  Sentence. 

I.  "  Guilty  of  the  first  specification  of  the  first  charge,  and  pronounce 
his  conduct  unofficer-like.       (Not  ungentlemanly.) 

2."The  court  acquit  the  prisoner  of  the  second  charge  and  specification. 
3. "The  court  find  the  prisoner  guilty  of  the  first  specification  of  the  ad 
ditional  charge,  but  not  guilty  of  the  second  specification ;  and  pronounce 
his  conduct  unofficer-like  ;  and  sentence  him  to  be  suspended  from  all 
rank,  pay,  and  emoluments,  for  the  space  of  twelve  months.  But  the 
Court  have  no  hesitation  in  acquitting  the  prisoner  of  all  fraudulent 
intentions  in  detaining  the  pay  of  his  men. — The  Court  adjourned. 

"  *  *  The  court  met  pursuant  to  adjournment,  and  recommended  to 
the  general  the  remission  of  nine  months  of  Captain  Scott's  suspension." 
(Signed,)  "H.  RUSSELL, 

Colonel  of  the  7th  infantry,  president. 
"  WILLIAM  KING, 

Lieutenant  of  infantry,  judge  advocate. 


WILKINSON'S  CONNECTION  WITH  BURR.  29 

Whatever  may  be  thought  of  this  transaction,  there  is 
one  fact  connected  with  the  general  history  of  the  coun 
try,  which  should  be  here  remembered.  All  who  are  fa 
miliar  with  the  popular  feeling  of  the  country  at  that  period,, 
know  that  it  ran  very  strongly  against  Burr,  and  all  who 
were  supposed,  directly  or  indirectly,  connected  with  him. 
Wilkinson  was  supposed,  (whether  justly  or  not,)  to  have 
been  in  some  way  implicated.  It  was  this  feeling, — pa 
triotic  in  its  basis, — which  Scott  shared,  and  which  urged 
him  subsequently  to  the  use  of  indiscreet  words. 

The  facts  in  regard  to  the  first  charge  (that  of  retaining 
money)  appear  to  have  been  these  :  Prior  to  his  departure 
for  New  Orleans,  he  had  recruited  his  company  in  the 
interior  of  Virginia.  While  there,  remote  from  commis 
sary,  paymaster,  or  quarter-master,  and  without  advice  or 
experience,  a  small  sum  of  money  (about  $400)  was 
placed  in  his  hands  for  the  service  of  his  company.  Some 
of  the  receipts  taken  for  payments  were  irregular,  and  at 
the  time  of  his  trial,  a  small  part  of  this  small  sum  (about 
$50)  was  uncovered  by  formal  vouchers.  The  court  so 
found,  but  expressly  acquitted  him  of  all  "  fraudulent  in 
tentions."  In  fact,  he  had  been  charged  with  all  he  re 
ceived  at  the  treasury,  where  nothing  could  be  received 
as  a  credit,  except  in  the  shape  of  a  formal  voucher. 

Thus  terminated  what,  at  the  time,  was  a  vexatious 
proceeding  to  Captain  Scott ;  but  which,  we  shall  pres 
ently  see,  was  really  advantageous  to  him.  The  only 
matter  the  court  had  seriously  found  against  him,  was  an 
indiscretion  in  words,  and  that,  too,  originating  in  an  ex 
cess  of  patriotism.  The  trial  was  very  far  from  producing 
an  unfavorable  effect  on  the  public  mind  ;  for  he  was  soon 
after  complimented  by  a  public  dinner,  given  by  many 


30  SCOTT'S  EMPLOYMENT  OF  HIS  LEISURE. 

officers  and  citizens  of  the  neighborhood,  and  followed  by 
the  good  wishes  of  all  to  whom  he  was  personally  known. 

It  may  not  be  out  of  place  to  remark,  that  General 
Wilkinson  first  published  his  attack  on  the  fame  of  Scott, 
immediately  after  the  close  of  the  late  war.  Whether  it 
was  prompted  by  a  comparison  of  his  entire  failure  in  the 
campaign  of  1813,  and  the  disgraceful  defeat  at  La  Cole 
Mills  in  the  following  spring,  with  the  brilliant  achieve 
ments  on  the  Niagara  frontier,  in  which  Scott  bore  so  con 
spicuous  a  part,  or  whether  it  was  the  result  of  a  long-cher 
ished  purpose  of  revenge,  is  not  material  to  inquire.  The 
public- have  the  facts,  and  can  draw  their  own  conclusions. 

Scott  returned  to  Virginia,  somewhat  at  a  loss  what  to 
do  in  the  year  of  his  suspension.  He  there  met  again  his 
friend,  B.  Watkins  Leigh,  Esq.,  who  advised  him  to  employ 
his  leisure  time  in  the  diligent  study  of  such  works  on  the 
military  art,  as  would  be  most  useful  to  him  in  his  profes 
sion,  especially  such  as  taught  the  principles  of  the  art. 
He  also  offered  him  the  use  of  his  house  and  library. 
Scott  accepted  the  invitation,  and  remained  at  the  house 
of  Mr.  Leigh  near  a  year,  pursuing  his  studies  with  such 
ardor  and  diligence,  that  the  sentence  of  suspension  was 
probably  one  of  the  fortunate  events  of  his  life. 

Scott  was  continually  of  opinion,  with  other  intelligent 
men,  that  war  with  Great  Britain  must  break  out ;  and 
hence,  while  pursuing  his  studies  at  Mr.  Leigh's,  his 
great  anxiety  was,  lest  it  should  break  out  while  he 
was  under  suspension.  This,  however,  was  not  the  case  ; 
and  he  had  an  opportunity  to  resume  his  place  in  the 
army,  better  prepared  for  the  duties  of  his  profession, 
before  active  hostilities  were  commenced. 

In  March,  1812,  he  acted  as  judge  advocate  upon  the 


HE  ACTS  AS  JUDGE  ADVOCATE.  31 

trial  of  Col.  C .    A  report  of  this  trial  was  afterwards 

published,  and  it  is  said  that  his  management  of  the  in 
vestigation,  and  his  replication  to  the  defence,  afforded 
honorable  proofs  of  his  legal  talents  and  acquisitions. 


REFERENCES 
a —  British.  Battery 


CONGRESS  DECLARES  WAR.  33 


CHAPTER   IV. 

1812. 

Commencement  of  the  War. — State  of  the  Niagara  Frontier. — Scott  joins 
the  Army  on  the  Niagara  Frontier,  and  aids  in  a  gallant  enterprise. — 
Battle  of  Queenstown  Heights. — Flag  of  Truce. — Surrender. — Scott's 
singular  adventure  with  two  Indian  Chiefs. — Funeral  of  Brock. 

THE  aggressions  committed  by  the  English  nation, 
though  unavenged,  were  not  forgotten.  Still,  the  Ameri 
can  people  long  cherished  the  hope  that  a  sense  of  justice 
would  induce  the  British  ministry  to  bring  to  a  speedy  and 
honorable  termination  the  unfortunate  differences  subsist 
ing  between  the  two  nations.  They  were  unwilling  to  re 
sort  to  the  ultimate  means  of  redress  until  all  peaceful 
measures  had  been  exhausted  ;  and,  indeed,  so  tardy  was 
the  government  in  preparations  for  war,  that  the  people,  in 
many  parts  of  the  country,  loudly  complained  of  its  want 
of  firmness  and  energy.  But  delay  brought  no  redress. 
Injury  was  followed  by  indignity,  until  the  peaceful  policy 
of  the  government  at  length  yielded,  and  on  the  18th  of 
June,  1812,  war  was  formally  declared  against  Great  Brit 
ain  and  its  dependencies,  by  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States. 

Previous  to  that  date,1  General  Hull,  in  anticipation  of 
that  event,  had  been  appointed  to  the  command  of  a  nu- 

1  Hull  was  appointed  to  the  command  of  the  northwestern  army  some 
time  in  May. 

3 


34  HULL'S  EXPEDITION  AND  SURRENDER. 

merous  and  well-furnished  army,1  intended  for  the  invasion 
of  Canada,  from  some  point  near  Detroit.  This  army 
passed  Cincinnati  the  latter  part  of  May,  left  Dayton  on 
the  1st  of  June,  arrived  on  the  Maumee  River  on  the  30th, 
and  crossed  the  River  of  Detroit,  for  the  invasion  of  Can 
ada,  on  the  12th  of  July.  The  expedition  was  attended 
with  the  high  hopes  of  the  people,  the  officers,  and  the 
men.  It  was  opposed  by  no  superior  force,  and  when  in 
front  of  the  enemy,  no  sound  of  discontent  was  heard,  nor 
any  appearance  of  cowardice  or  disaffection  seen.  On  the 
contrary,  every  man  awaited  the  battle  in  sure  anticipation 
of  victory,  expecting  a  proud  day  for  his  country  and  him 
self.2  Notwithstanding  all  this  preparation,  notwithstanding 
the  superiority  of  the  force,  and  notwithstanding  these  vivid 
anticipations  of  success  and  glory,  the  entire  army  was, 
without  apparent  cause,  surrendered  to  the  demand  of 
General  Brock,  on  the  14th  of  August. 

This  event,  so  unexpected  and  so  disastrous,  filled  the 
American  people  with  confusion  and  mortification.  No 
one,  who  does  not  remember  the  appearance  and  conver 
sation  of  the  people  at  that  lime,  can  form  a  correct  idea 
of  the  mournful  effect  produced  by  the  surrender  of  Hull. 
Indignation,  grief,  and  shame,  alternately  filled  the  hearts 
of  the  honest  citizen  and  the  patriot  soldier.  It  was  a  veil 
of  darkness  drawn  over  the  face  of  the  country. 

Such  was  the  commencement  of  the  war  of  1812,  un- 

1  The  army  was  composed  of  the  4th  regiment  of  infantry,  who  had 
borne  the  brunt  of  the  battle  on  the  field  of  Tippecanoe  ;  a  part  of  the  1st 
regiment  of  infantry ;  three  companies  of  the  1st  artillery ;  three  regi 
ments  of  volunteers  from  Ohio,  of  which  two  companies  were  from  Cin 
cinnati  ;  and  the  Michigan  militia. 

4  See  Cass's  Letter,  dated  10th  of  September. 


ATTACK  ON  TWO  ARMED  BRIGS.  35 

fortunate,  disastrous,  and  melancholy.  It  was  certainly 
no  encouragement  to  those  who  soon  after  commenced 
the  campaigns  of  the  Niagara,  where  bloody  fields,  brave 
actions,  and  positive  achievement,  reanimated  the  hopes 
of  the  country,  and  gave  a  durable  glory  to  the  American 
arms.  In  republican  governments,  the  people  are  naturally 
jealous  of  military  power.  They  regard  large  standing 
armies  with  distrust,  and  are  reluctant  to  resort  to  them 
even  for  defence,  until  the  peril  is  imminent.  Hence, 
the  commencement  of  a  national  conflict  will  generally  be 
disastrous.  The  spirit  of  the  people  must  be  aroused  by  a 
sense  of  danger,  and  the  feeling  of  national  honor  must  be 
awakened  before  their  energies  can'be  turned  from  the  chan 
nels  of  productive  labor,  and  exerted  on  the  field  of  war. 

In  July,  1812,  Scott  received  the  commission  of  lieu 
tenant-colonel  in  the  2d  artillery,  (Izard's  regiment,)  and 
arrived  on  the  Niagara  frontier,  with  the  companies  of 
Towson  and  Barker.  He  took  post  at  Black  Rock,  to 
protect  the  navy-yard  there  established. 

Lieutenant  Elliott  of  the  navy  had  planned  an  enter 
prise  against  two  British  armed  brigs,  then  lying  at  anchor 
under  the  guns  of  Fort  Erie.  For  this  purpose,  he  applied 
on  the  8th  of  October,  1812,  to  Colonel  Scott,  for  assist 
ance  in  officers  and  men.  Captain  Towson,  and  a  portion 
of  his  company,  were  dispatched  to  the  aid  of  Elliott. 
The  attack  was  successful.  On  the  morning  of  the  9th, 
both  vessels  were  carried  in  the  most  gallant  manner. 
The  "  Adams"  was  taken  by  Captain  Elliott  in  person, 
assisted  by  Lieutenant  Isaac  Roach  ;x  and  the  "  Caledo 
nia"  by  the  gallant  Captain  Towson.  In  dropping  down 

1  Mr.  Roach  has  since  been  mayor  of  Philadelphia. 


36  THE  "ADAMS"  RECAPTURED  AND  HELD. 

the  Niagara  River,  the  "  Adams"  became  unmanageable, 
through  the  occurrence  of  a  calm,  and  drifted  into  the 
British  channel.  She  got  aground  on  Squaw  Island,  di 
rectly  under  the  guns  of  the  enemy's  batteries,  where  it 
was  impossible  to  get  her  off.  Captain  Elliott,  therefore, 
having  previously  secured  the  prisoners,  abandoned  her 
under  a  heavy  fire  from  the  British  shore.  Then  ensued 
an  interesting  and  exciting  scene,  the  British  endeavoring 
to  retake  the  abandoned  brig,  and  Colonel  Scott  to  pre 
vent  them.  The  enemy  sent  off  boats,  and  Scott  resisted 
them,  in  which  effort  he  was  successful.  The  brig  was 
recaptured,  and  held  until  she  was  subsequently  burned, 
by  order  of  General  Smythe,  who  had  then  arrived. 

As  for  the  "  Caledonia,"  she  was  preserved  by  the  ex 
traordinary  efforts  of  Captain  (now  General)  Towson,  and 
afterwards  did  good  service  in  the  memorable  and  glorious 
victory  won  on  Lake  Erie,  by  the  gallant  Perry. 

This  was  one  of  those  small  but  honorable  enterprises, 
of  which  many  occurred  during  the  war,  which  should  be 
mentioned  to  the  credit  of  the  actors,  and  as  an  example 
to  those  who  hereafter  may  have  similar  duties  to  perform 
in  defence  of  their  country. 

In  the  beginning  of  October,  1812,  Major-General 
Stephen  Van  Rensselaer  had  collected  together,  at  Lewis- 
town,  about  two  thousand  five  hundred  of  the  New  York 
militia.  The  successful  enterprise  which  resulted  in  the 
capture  of  the  "Adams"  and  "  Caledonia,"  on  the  8th  of 
that  month,  had  given  such  an  apparent  ardor  and  impulse 
to  these  troops,  that  it  was  believed  impossible  to  restrain 
them.1  Indeed,  the  troops  declared  they  must  act,  or  go 

1  General  Van  Rensselaer'e  Letter,  14th  October,  1812. 


PLAN  OF  THE  ATTACK  ON  QUEENSTOWN.       37 

home,  an  alternative  which  imposed  upon  the  general  the 
necessity  of  some  active  movement.  Accordingly,  he 
planned  an  attack  on  Queenstown  Heights.  The  troops 
which  he  had  at  his  command  were  the  New  York 
militia,  and  about  four  hundred  and  fifty  regulars  under 
the  command  of  Colonels  Fenwick  and  Chrystie,  who, 
with  Major  Mullaney,  had  arrived  the  night  before, 
in  detachments,  from  Fort  Niagara,  for  the  purpose  of 
joining  in  this  expedition.  The  militia  were  raw,  inex 
perienced,  and  undisciplined,  circumstances  which  caused 
the  brunt  of  the  battle  ultimately  to  fall  on  the  regulars, 
and  its  final  loss.1 

The  object  of  the  movement  was  to  dispossess  the  ene 
my  from  the  fort  and  village  of  Queenstown  Heights,  and 
thus  to  make  a  lodgment  for  the  American  troops  on  the 
Canada  shore,  the  invasion  of  Canada  being  then  the 
leading  object  of  the  northern  campaign.  The  plan  was, 
to  throw  over  the  river  two  columns  of  troops,  each  about 
three  hundred  strong.2  One  was  commanded  by  Colonel 
Solomon  Van  Rensselaer,  and  the  other  by  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Chrystie.  The  detachments  of  Fenwick  and 
Mullaney  were  to  sustain,  in  the  best  way  they  could, 
these  columns.  These  arrangements  were  made  on  the 
12th  of  October.  Late  in  the  evening  of  that  day,  Colonel 
Scott  had  arrived,  by  a  forced  march,  partly  by  water, 
and  partly  through  mud  and  rain,  at  Schlosser,  one  mile 
from  the  Falls  and  eight  from  Lewistown,  with  the  view 
of  joining  in  the  contemplated  attack.  He  hastened  to 
Lewistown,  and  volunteered  his  services  to  General  Van 
Rensselaer.  They  were  declined,  on  account  of  the  ar- 

1  General  Van  Rensselaer's  Report,  14th  October,  1812.        2  Idem. 

3* 


38  CROSSING  OF  THE  TROOPS. 

rangements  already  made  ;  but,  not  without  permission, 
that  Scott  should  bring  his  regiment  immediately  to 
Lewistown,  and  there  act  as  circumstances  might  require, 
or  opportunities  offer.  This  permission  he  at  once  availed 
himself  of,  and  arrived  with  his  corps,  at  four  A.  M.  on 
the  13th.  Finding  no  boats,  he  placed  his  train  in  bat 
tery  on  the  American  shore,  under  the  immediate  com 
mand  of  Captains  Towson  and  Barker,  and  when  daylight 
appeared,  opened  an  effective  fire  on  the  enemy. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  principal  movement,  as  originally 
planned,  had  gone  on.  All  the  boats  which  could  be 
collected  were  employed  to  transport  the  columns  of 
Chrystie  and  Van  Rensselaer.  Unfortunately,  the  boats 
were  insufficient  to  take  the  whole  number  at  once,  and 
the  passage  was  made  by  detachments.1  The  boat  in 
which  Chrystie  was,  became  partially  disabled,  was  mis 
managed  by  the  pilot,2  and  finally  carried  out  of  the  way 
by  the  eddies  of  the  river.  He  made  a  gallant  attempt 
to  land,  but  was  wounded,  and  compelled  to  return  to  the 
American  shore.  In  the  after  part  of  the  engagement, 
he  returned  with  reinforcements  to  the  troops  in  Canada, 
and  shared  the  fate  of  the  day.3 

The  main  body  of  the  first  embarkation,  under  the  di 
rection  of  Colonel  Van  Rensselaer,  was  more  successful. 
Two  companies  of  the  13th  regiment,4  with  other  small 
detachments  of  the  same  regiment,  were  able  to  land,  and 
were  successively  reinforced,  from  time  to  time,  as  the 
few  serviceable  boats  to  be  had  could  transport  them. 
They  were  landed  under  a  severe  fire  of  the  enemy. 

1  Chrystie's  Letter,  dated  22d  of  February,  1813.     s  Idem.     *  Idem. 
4  Armstrong's  Notices  of  the  War.   f 


GALLANTRY  OP  CAPTAIN  WOOL.  39 

At  this  time  the  numbers  of  both  contending  parties  were 
small.  The  British  force  was  composed  of  two  flank 
companies  of  the  49th,  and  the  York  militia.  The 
Americans  did  not  number  much  over  one  hundred  com 
batants.1  Notwithstanding  the  continued  cannonade  from 
the  enemy's  batteries,  this  small  force  formed  on  the 
bank,  and  marched  steadily  forward. 

In  a  few  moments,  this  fire  had  killed  or  wounded  every 
commissioned  officer,  and  among  these,  Colonel  Van  Rens- 
selaer  himself,  who  received  four  severe  wounds.2  Not 
withstanding  this,  he  sustained  himself  long  enough  to 
impart  the  local  information  he  possessed  to  other  offi 
cers,  who  had  in  the  mean  while  come  up.3  In  leaving 
the  field,  his  last  command  was,  that  "  all  such  as  could 
move  should  immediately  mount  the  hill  and  storm  the 
batteries."4  This  order  was  promptly  obeyed  by  Captain 
(now  General)  Wool,  who  greatly  distinguished  himself, 
with  Captains  Ogilvie,  Malcolm,  and  Armstrong,  and 
Lieutenant  Randolph.  These  brave  officers  stormed  the 
heights,  took  a  battery  composed  of  an  eighteen-pounder 
and  two  mortars,  half  way  up  the  acclivity,  and  were 
soon  in  possession  of  the  highest  point,  called  the  "  Moun 
tain."  At  this  point  of  time,  the  enemy  were  beaten, 
routed,  and  driven  into  a  strong  stone  building  near  the 
water's  edge.5  Here  the  fugitives  were  rallied  and  suc 
cored  by  General  Brock,  the  lieutenant-governor  of  Upper 
Canada,  who  had  returned  from  the  capture  of  Hull  to 


1  General  Van  Rensselaer's  Letter,  14th  October,  1812.         *  Idem. 

3  Reinforcements  in  small  detachments   continued  to  arrive  in  boat 
loads. 

4  Armstrong's  Notices  of  the  War.  *  Idem. 


40      GENEROUS  CONDUCT  OF  GEN.  WADSWORTH. 

defend  the  Niagara  frontier.1  Here  was  his  last  act  of 
gallantry.  He  fell,  at  the  head  of  the  troops  he  was  lead 
ing  to  the  charge,  and  with  him,  his  secretary,  Colonel 
McDonald.  The  British  troops  were  again  dispersed, 
and  for  a  time  there  was  a  pause  in  the  action  of  the 
day. 

Exactly  at  this  period,  Lieutenant-colonel  Scott  arrived 
on  the  heights.  He  had  been  permitted,  as  a  volunteer, 
to  cross  the  river  with  his  adjutant,  Roach,  and  assume 
the  command  of  the  whole  body  engaged.  On  the  Cana 
da  side,  he  unexpectedly  found  Brigadier-general  William 
Wadsworth2  of  the  New  York  militia,  who  had  crossed 
without  orders.  Scott,  therefore,  proposed  to  limit  his 
command  to  the  regulars.  But  the  generous  and  patri 
otic  Wadsworth  would  not  consent.  He  promptly  yielded 
the  command  over  all  the  forces  to  Scott.  "  You,  sir," 
said  he,  "know  best  professionally  what  ought  to  be 
done.  I  am  here  for  the  honor  of  my  country,  and  that 
of  the  New  York  militia."  Scott,  therefore,  assumed  the 
command,  and,  throughout  the  movements  which  ensued, 
General  Wadsworth  dared  every  danger  in  aiding  the 
views  of  the  commander.  Though  they  had  mpt  for  the 
first  time,  he  had  become  already  attached  to  the  young 
colonel.  He  repeatedly,  during  the  battle,  interposed  his 
own  person  to  shield  Scott  from  the  Indian  rifles,  which 
his  tall  person  attracted. 

Reinforcements  having  arrived  during  the  previous  en 
gagements,  the  forces  under  Scott  now  amounted,  in  all, 
to  three  hundred  and  fifty  regulars,  and  two  hundred  and 

1  Hull  surrendered  on  the  15th  of  August.     Brock  returned  to  Niagara 
on  the  25th. 
a  Recently  of  Geneeee,  and  now  dead. 


SCOTT  IN  COMMAND.  41 

fifty  volunteers,  under  the  direction  of  General  Wads- 
worth  and  Colonel  Stranahan.  These,  Scott,  assisted  by 
the  judgment  of  Captain  Totten,1  drew  up  in  a  strong  and 
commanding  situation.  The  object  in  view  was  not  only 
to  receive  the  enemy,  but  to  cover  the  ferry,  in  expecta 
tion  of  being  reinforced  by  the  whole  of  the  militia  at 
Lewistown. 

The  interval  of  rest  was  but  short.  The  first  gun 
which  broke  the  silence  of  the  morning,  had  also  roused 
the  British  garrison  of  Fort  George,  eight  miles  below. 
Their  troops  were  instantly  put  in  motion.  The  Indians, 
who  had  been  concentrated  in  the  neighborhood,  sprang 
into  activity.  In  a  short  time,  five  hundred  of  these 
forest  warriors  joined  the  British  light  companies  previous 
ly  engaged.  A  new  battle  ensued.  The  Americans  re 
ceived  the  enemy  with  firmness,  and  drove  them  back  in 
total  route.  Colonel  Chrystie,  who  had  then  returned  to 
the  Canada  shore,  states,2  that  he  there  found  Lieutenant- 
colonel  Scott  leading  and  animating  his  troops,  with  a 
gallantry  which  could  not  be  too  highly  extolled. 

The  protection  of  the  ferry  being  the  main  purpose, 
and  the  Indians  in  the  wood  presenting  no  object  for  a 
charge,  the  Americans  resumed  their  original  position,3 
and  there  maintained  it  valiantly  against  several  succes 
sive  attacks,  till  the  British  reinforcements  arrived  from 
Fort  George.  In  one  of  these  affairs,  the  advanced  pic- 
quets  of  the  American  line  were  suddenly  driven  in  by 
superior  numbers,  and  a  general  massacre  seemed  inevit 
able.  At  this  critical  moment,  Scott,  who  had  been  in 


1  Now  Colonel,  and  chief  of  the  corps  of  engineers. 

2  Chrystie's  Letter,  22d  February,  1813.  3  Idem. 


42  THE  LINE  BROUGHT  TO  THE  RIGHT-ABOUT. 

the  rear,  showing  how  to  unspike  a  captured  cannon, 
hastily  returned,  and  by  great  exertions  brought  his  line, 
in  the  act  of  giving  way,  to  the  right-about.  His  brilliant 
example  produced  a  sudden  revulsion  of  feeling.  They 
caught  the  spirit  of  their  leader.  With  a  unanimous 
burst  of  enthusiasm,  the  line  suddenly  rallied  from  right 
to  left,  threw  itself  forward  upon  the  enemy,  putting  him 
to  a  precipitate  flight,  and  strewing  the  ground  with  the 
dead  and  the  wounded.  In  this  manner  successive  con 
flicts  were  kept  up,  till  the  main  body  of  the  British  rein 
forcements  arrived.  This  was  a  column  eight  hundred 
and  fifty  strong,  under  the  command  of  Major-general 
Sheaffe.1 

During  the  action,  which  had  now  so  long  proceeded 
with  credit  to  the  American  troops,  the  militia  who  had 
crossed  the  river,  and  were  engaged  with  Wadsworth  and 
Stranahan,  had  fought  well,  and  shared  both  the  dangers 
and  the  successes  of  the  day.  At  this  crisis,  however, 
when  the  result  of  the  battle  depended  entirely  upon  re 
inforcements,  information  was  brought  to  Scott  and  those 
engaged,  that  the  militia  on  the  American  shore  refused 
to  cross  !  General  Van  Rensselaer  rode  among  them,  in 
all  directions,  urging  the  men  by  every  consideration  to 
pass,  but  in  vain.2  Not  a  regiment  nor  a  company  could 
be  induced  to  move  !  A  panic  had  seized  them ;  but 
even  had  it  been  otherwise,  they  could  not  have  crossed, 
as  but  a  few  crippled  boats  remained  to  take  them  over.8 

1  Since  Sir  Roger  Sheaffe,  made  a  baronet  for  the  events  of  that  day. 

2  General  Van  Rensselaer's  Letter  to  General  Dearborn,  October  14th, 
1812. 

8  This  was  the  original  error  of  the  expedition.     The  total  number  of 
boats  is  said,  in  the  accounts,  to  have  been  but  thirteen. 


A  SPEECH  ON  THE  FIELD  OF  BATTLE.         43 

Severe  was  the  mortification  of  this  disaster  to  the  brave 
men  engaged,  and  mournful  the  result ! 

At  this  period,  the  British  force  was  estimated,  regu 
lars,  militia,  and  Indians,  at  not  less  than  thirteen  hundred, 
while  the  Americans  were  reduced  to  less  than  three 
hundred.1  Retreat  was  as  hopeless  as  succor ;  for  there 
were  no  boats  on  the  Canada  shore,  and  the  militia  on 
the  other  side  refused  to  give  them  aid.  Scott  took  his 
position  on  the  ground  they  then  occupied,  resolved  to 
abide  the  shock,  and  think  of  surrender  only  when  battle 
was  impossible.  He  mounted  a  log  in  front  of  his  much- 
diminished  band  :  "  The  enemy's  balls,"  said  he,  "begin 
to  thin  our  ranks.  His  numbers  are  overwhelming.  In 
a  moment  the  shock  must  come,  and  there  is  no  retreat. 
We  are  in  the  beginning  of  a  national  war.  Hull's  sur 
render  is  to  be  redeemed.  Let  us  then  die,  arms  in 
hand.  Our  country  demands  the  sacrifice.  The  example 
will  not  be  lost.  The  blood  of  the  slain  will  make  heroes 
of  the  living.  Those  who  follow  will  avenge  our  fall  and 
their  country's  wrongs.  WHO  dare  to  stand  ?"  "  ALL  !" 
was  the  answering  cry. 

In  the  meanwhile,  the  British,  under  the  command  of 
Major-General  Sheaffe,  manoeuvred  with  great  caution, 
and  even  hesitation,2  conscious  of  the  vigorous  resistance 
already  made,  and  determined  fully  to  reconnoitre.  They 
found  it  difficult  to  believe  that  so  small  a  body  of  men 
was  the  whole  force  they  had  to  contend  with,  and  sup 
posed  it  rather  an  outpost  than  an  army.  At  length,  the 
attack  began.  The  Americans  for  a  time  maintained  their 
resolution,  but  finally  began  to  give  way.  When  nearly 

1  See  Chrystie's  Letter.  a  Idem. 


44  THE  FLAG  OF  TRUCE. 

surrounded,  they  let  themselves,  (by  holding  on  to  limbs 
and  bushes,)  down  1<he  precipice  to  the  river.  Resistance 
was  now  ended,  and  after  a  brief  consultation,  it  was  de 
termined  to  send  a  flag  to  the  enemy,  with  a  proposition 
to  capitulate.  Several  persons  were  successively  sent, 
but  neither  answer  nor  messenger  returned ;  they  were 
all  shot  down,  or  captured  by  the  Indians.  At  length, 
Scott  determined  that  he  himself  would  make  another  at 
tempt.  He  prepared  a  flag  of  truce — a  white  handker 
chief  fastened  upon  his  sword — and  accompanied  by  Cap 
tains  Totten  and  Gibson,  went  forth,  on  a  forlorn  hope,  to 
seek  a  parley.  Keeping  close  to  the  water's  edge,  and 
under  cover  of  the  precipice  as  much  as  possible,  they 
descended  along  the  river.  They  were  exposed  to  a  con 
tinual  random  fire  from  the  Indians,  until  they  turned  up 
an  easy  slope  to  gain  the  road  from  the  village  to  the 
heights.  They  had  just  attained  this  road,  when  they 
were  met  by  two  Indians,  who  sprang  upon  them.  It  was 
in  vain  that  Scott  declared  his  purpose,  and  claimed  the 
protection  of  his  flag.  They  attempted  to  wrench  it  from 
his  hands,  and  at  the  same  instant  Totten  and  Gibson 
drew  their  swords.  The  Indians  had  just  discharged  their 
rifles  at  the  American  officers,  and  were  on  the  point  of 
using  their  knives  and  hatchets,  when  a  British  officer, 
accompanied  by  some  men,  rushed  forward,  and  prevent 
ed  a  further  combat. 

The  three  American  officers  were  conducted  into  the 
presence  of  General  Sheaffe  ;  terms  of  capitulation  were 
agreed  on,  and  Scott  surrendered  his  whole  force  with  the 
honors  of  war.1 

1  The  entire  force  thus  surrendered,  of  those  who  had  been  actually 
fighting,  were  139  regulars,  and  154  militia,  making  in  all  293. 


A  MARK  FOR  THE  RIFLES.  45 

To  his  intense  chagrin  and  mortification,  the  number 
of  prisoners  was  soon  swelled  by  several  hundreds  of  mi 
litia,  who  had  crossed  to  the  Canada  shore,  and  in  the 
confusion  of  the  moment,  had  concealed  themselves  un 
der  the  rocks  higher  up  the  river,  and  were  not  in  the 
slightest  degree  engaged  in  the  action  of  the  day.1 

Throughout  this  scene  of  various  action,  of  mistake 
and  misfortune,  of  success  and  disaster,  Lieutenant-Colo 
nel  Scott, — says  an  accurate  account,2 — was  distinguish 
ed  for  great  exertions.  He  was  in  full-dress  uniform,  and 
his  tall  stature  made  him  a  conspicuous  mark.3  He  was 
singled  out  by  the  Indians,  but  remained  unhurt.  He  was 
urged  to  change  his  dress.  "  No,"  said  he,  smiling,  "  I 
will  die  in  my  robes."  At  the  same  moment  Captain 
Lawrence  fell  by  his  side,  as  it  was  supposed,  mortally 
wounded. 

Thus  ended  the  battle  of  Queenstown  Heights  :  an  en 
gagement  desultory  in  its  movements,  various  in  its  inci 
dents,  and  unfortunate  in  its  result ;  but  not  without  con 
sequences  important  to  the  spirit  and  vigor  of  the  Ameri 
can  arms.  Magnitude  is  not  always  necessary  to  the 
dignity  of  an  achievement,  nor  is  defeat  always  discour 
aging  to  the  unsuccessful  party.  It  is  the  nature  of  the 
action  which  gives  character  to  the  actor.  Judged  by  this 

1  The  total  loss  of  the  Americans  in  the  battle  of  Queenstown,  was 
estimated  at  1000  men.  About  100  were  killed,  200  who  had  landed 
with  Major  Mullaney  early  in  the  day,  were  forced  by  the  current  of  the 
river  on  the  enemy's  shores  under  his  batteries,  and  were  there  captured. 
293  surrendered  with  Scott,  and  the  residue  were  those  who  had  landed, 
but  were  not  in  the  battle. 

a  Niles's  Register,  3d  volume,  page  170. 

3  General  Scott  is  about  six  feet  five  inches  in  height,  and  of  com 
manding;  stature. 


46  THE  MEMORY  OF  QUEENSTOWN. 

standard,  the  events  of  Queenstown  had  their  value,  and 
their  inspiration  to  every  patriot  American.  Hull  had 
surrendered  without  a  battle  ;  disgrace,  not  from  the  mere 
disaster,  but  from  the  mode  by  which  it  was  produced, 
was  inflicted  upon  the  country,  and  felt  in  the  hearts  of 
its  children.  It  was  battle,  and  honorable  battle  only, 
which  could  drive  this  gloomy  shadow  from  the  country, 
check  the  taunts  of  enemies,  remove  its  own  doubts,  and 
re-establish  its  self-respect.  The  battle  of  Queenstown 
Heights  did  this  in  no  small  degree.  While  the  mistakes, 
the  errors,  and  the  losses  of  that  day  were  deplored,  the 
American  press  and  people1  recognised,  amid  regrets  and 
misfortunes,  a  spirit  of  achievement,  a  boldness  in  dan 
ger,  and  a  gallant  bearing,  which  inspired  new  hopes,  and 
pointed  out  the  way  to  ultimate  success.  The  daring  gal 
lantry  of  Colonel  Van  Rensselaer ;  the  capture  of  the 
British  battery  by  Wool  and  his  heroic  companions  ;  the 
intrepid  conduct  of  Wadsworth,  of  Chrystie,  of  Totten, 
and  many  others,  and  particularly  the  courage,  skill,  and 
continued  activity  and  exertions  of  Scott,  had  given  a 
cheerfulness  even  to  the  darkness  of  defeat,  and  almost  a 
glow  of  satisfaction  to  the  memory  of  Queenstown  Heights. 
After  the  surrender,  the  prisoners  were  escorted  to  the 
village  now  called  Niagara,  at  the  mouth  of  the  river, 
where  the  officers  were  lodged  in  an  inn,  and  placed  un 
der  guard.  The  sentinel  had  received  orders  to  suffer  no 
prisoner  to  pass  out,  but  not  otherwise  to  restrain  their 
motions.  In  a  little  while,  a  message  came  that  some  one 
wished  to  speak  with  the  "tall  American."  Scott  passed 
through  several  doors  into  the  entry.  He  was  surprised 

1  3d  volume  Niles's  Register,  page  170. 


THE  "TALL  AMERICAN.  47 

to  find  in  his  visitors  the  same  two  Indians,  hideously 
painted  as  in  battle,  who  had  sprung  upon  him  while  he 
was  bearing  the  flag  of  truce.  The  elder,  tall  and  strong, 
was  the  distinguished  chief  known  by  the  name  of  CAP 
TAIN  JACOBS.  The  other  was  a  young  man  of  fine  figure, 
and  only  inferior  in  muscular  development.  In  broken 
English,  and  by  gestures,  the  prisoner  was  questioned  as 
to  his  shot-marks :  the  Indians  severally  holding  up  their 
fingers  to  indicate  the  times  their  rifles  had  been  levelled 
at  him.1  Jacobs  grew  warm,  and  seized  Scott  by  the 
arm  to  turn  him  round  to  see  his  back.  Indignant  at  this 
manual  liberty,  the  American  threw  the  savage  from  him, 
exclaiming,  "  Off,  villain!  You  fired  like  a  squaw!"  "We 
kill  you  now !"  was  the  angry  reply,  loosening  from  their 
girdles  at  the  same  instant  knives  and  tomahawks.  There 
was  no  call  for  help  ;  none  could  have  arrived  in  time ; 
and  flight  would  have  been,  in  the  opinion  of  such  soldiers 
as  Scott,  dastardly.  In  a  corner  of  the  entry,  under  the 
staircase,  stood  the  swords  of  the  American  officers, 
which,  according  to  the  customs  of  war,  they  had  been 
desired  to  lay  aside  on  their  arrival.  A  long  sabre,  in  a 
heavy  steel  scabbard,  as  readily  drawn  as  grasped,  lay  on 
the  outside  of  the  stack.  A  spring  swiftly  to  the  rear,  and 
another  back  upon  the  foe,  brought  the  American,  with 
blade  hung  in  air,  to  an  attitude  of  defiance.  A  second 
lost — a  quiver — or  an  error  of  the  eye,  would  have  ended 
this  story,  and  left  no  further  room  to  the  biographer  of 
the  "  tall  American."  Of  one  of  his  assailants  Scott  was 
absolutely  sure ;  but  that  he  would  fall  by  the  hands  of 
the  other  before  the  sword  could  be  again  poised,  seemed 

1  3d  volume  Niles's  Register,  page  170. 


48  A  POSITION  OF  DANGER. 

equally  certain.  He  had  the  advantage  of  position — 
standing  on  the  defensive,  in  a  narrow  entry,  just  within 
the  foot  of  the  staircase.  It  was  a  pass  that  could  not  be 
turned.  The  savages  were  held  without,  in  the  wider 
space,  near  the  front  door,  but  manoeuvring  like  tigers 
to  close  upon  their  prey.  The  parties  were  thus  terribly 
grouped,  when  a  British  officer,  entering  from  the  street, 
and  seeing  what  impended,  cried,  "  The  guard  /"  and  at 
the  same  moment  seized  Jacobs  by  the  arm,  and  put  a 
pistol  to  the  head  of  his  companion.  Scott  held  his  blade 
ready  to  descend  in  aid  of  his  gallant  deliverer,  now  turned 
upon  by  his  foes.  The  sentinels  obeyed  the  call  they  had 
heard,  and  came  in,  with  bayonets  forward.  The  Indians 
were  marched  off,  muttering  imprecations  on  all  white 
men,  and  all  the  laws  of  war.  The  younger  of  these  In 
dian  chiefs  was  the  son  of  the  celebrated  Brant,  of  the 
Revolutionary  war,  whose  life  has  recently  been  given  to 
the  public  by  the  late  Col.  Wm.  L.  Stone.  The  officer 
who  so  opportunely  entered,  on  a  visit  of  courtesy,  was 
Captain  Coffin,  then  in  the  staff  of  General  Sheaffe,  and 
now  of  high  rank  in  the  British  army.  This  adventure  he 
frequently  narrated,  both  in  New  York  and  on  the  other 
side  of  the  Atlantic. 

The  exasperation  of  the  Indians  against  Colonel  Scott 
was  occasioned  by  the  number  of  their  people  killed  on 
Queenstown  Heights  ;  and  their  excitement  was  so  great, 
that  while  he  remained  at  Niagara  he  could  not  leave  his 
inn,  even  to  dine  with  Sir  Roger  Sheaffe,  without  a  Brit 
ish  escort. 

Soon  after  the  surrender,  the  gallant  Brock  was  buried 
under  one  of  the  bastions  of  Fort  St.  George,  with  the 
liighest  of  military  honors.  Fort  Niagara,  directly  oppo- 


HONORS  TO  A  GALLANT  FOE.  49 

site  on  the  American  shore,  was  commanded  at  the  time 
by  Captain  McKeon.1  Colonel  Scott  sent  over  his  compli 
ments,  and  desired  that  minute-guns  might  be  fired  during 
the  funeral  ceremonies.  Captain  McKeon  readily  com 
plied  with  the  request ;  for  the  noble  qualities  of  Brock 
had  been  held  in  equal  esteem  on  both  sides  of  the  line. 
It  is  one  of  the  privileges  which  smooth  the  rough  brow 
of  war,  thus  to  render  a  just  respect  to  the  worthy  dead, 
whether  they  be  of  friends  or  adversaries.  It  is  the  right 
of  magnanimity  to  carry  no  hostility  beneath  the  green 
covering  of  the  grave,  nor  beyond  that  line  which  peace 
has  drawn  between  noble  spirits  that  once  were  foes,  nor 
against  those  generous  qualities  which  dignify  the  man 
and  adorn  the  race. 


1  Father  of  the  Hon.  John  McKeon,  late  a  member  of  Congress  from 
the  city  of  New  York. 

4 


50  PRINCIPLES  OF  THE  AMERICAN  GOVERNMENT. 


CHAPTER   V. 

1812. 

Reflections  on  the  Principles  of  the  American  Government. — The  Cap 
tured  Irishmen. — Scott's  interference  in  their  behalf. — Their  joyful  inter 
view  with  him. — His  efforts  with  the  Government. — Letter  of  Lord 
Bathurst. — Mr.  Monroe's  Report. — Mr.  Hanson's  Speech. — Reflections 
on  the  whole 

THE  republic  of  the  United  States  was  founded  on  the 
two  principles  of  LIBERTY  and  CHRISTIANITY.  Liberty 
had  been  asserted  by  the  republics  of  Greece,  and  Chris 
tianity  had  for  eighteen  centuries  maintained  its  existence. 
But  a  liberty  professing  to  be  founded  on  the  rights  of  the 
people,  and  a  Christianity  not  united  with  the  state,  were 
never  before  co-existent  and  moving  together,  harmonious 
among  one  people,  and  under  one  government — in  the 
history  of  mankind.  It  was  a  moral  glory — of  full- 
orbed  light,  which  had  never  before  risen  on  the  broad 
horizon  of  human  hopes.  It  was,  therefore,  peculiar 
in  its  essential  being.  This  peculiarity  penetrated  its 
very  nature,  was  visible  in  all  its  operations,  and  con 
stitutes  a  continual  contrast  with  all  other  nations.  In 
the  same  manner  and  for  the  same  reason,  whether  in 
war  or  peace,  the  negotiations  of  the  American  govern 
ment  often  contain  points  of  discussion,  raised  by  the  na 
ture  of  its  republican  principles,  which  are  little  under 
stood  in  Europe,  and  still  less  assented  to  by  European 


THE  RIGHT  OF  EXPATRIATION.  51 

governments.  In  that  part  of  American  history  now  con 
sidered,  some  of  these  points  arose  and  were  discussed. 

The  battle  of  Queenstown  Heights  gave  rise  to  one  of 
these  discussions,  an  account  of  which,  therefore,  chrono 
logically,  belongs  to  that  event.  The  question  debated 
was  the  right  of  expatriation ;  that  is,  whether  a  citizen 
of  one  country  has  a  right  to  leave  that  country  and  at 
tach  himself  to  another,  without  the  consent  of  the  law  ? 
This  question,  considered  as  an  abstract  principle,  is  not 
new.  It  has  been  debated  ever  since  any  principles  at 

were  applied  to  the  intercourse  of  nations.  The  Ro 
mans  acknowledged  the  right  of  emigration,  and  claimed 
it,  as  one  of  the  firmest  foundations  of  Roman  liberty.1 
The  people  of  the  United  States,  and  some  of  the  state 
constitutions,  declare  and  act  upon  this  right.2  It  must 
be  an  act  done  voluntarily,  and  with  the  intention  of 
changing  residence  and  remaining  in  another  country,  or 
the  emigrant  will  be  entitled  to  the  rights  of  an  American 
citizen,  and  be  required  also  to  yield  allegiance. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  government  of  Great  Britain 
denies  the  right  of  expatriation,  and,  till  recently,  denied 
the  right  of  emigration  at  all.  Laws  were,  till  within  a 
few  years,  enforced,  forbidding  altogether  the  emigration 


1  Ne  quis  invitus  civitate  mutetur :  neve  in  civitate  maneat  invitus. 
Haec  sunt  enim  fundamenta  firmissima  nostrae  libertatis,  sui  quemque  juris 
et  retinendi  et  dimittendi  esse  dominum. — Cicero,  Oratio  pro  L.  C.  Balbo, 
ch.  13.    Quoted  by  Chancellor  Kent,  2  Commentaries. 

2  The  Court  of  Appeals  in  S.  Carolina,  in  a  solemn  decision  on  the  Or 
dinance  of  1832,  declared  that  an  oath  to  bear  "faithful  and  true  alle 
giance"  to  the  State  of  S.  Carolina,  was  void,  because  allegiance  was 
first  due  to  the  National  Government,  and  any  thing  derogating  from 
that  was  unconstitutional. 


52  GREAT  BRITAIN  DENIES  THE  RIGHT. 

of  artisans,  or  other  persons  particularly  skilled  in  work. 
The  doctrine  of  that  government  is  perpetual  allegiance, 
and  the  idea  that  a  British  citizen  could  become  the  citi 
zen  of  another  country,  has  not  heretofore  been  tolerated 
in  British  jurisprudence. 

In  the  courts  of  the  United  States  the  same  question 
has  been  discussed,  but  without  any  final  result.1 

In  France,  the  law  allows  a  French  citizen  to  expatri 
ate  himself,  but  not  to  bear  arms  against  France.  His 
accepting  a  foreign  naturalization  forfeits  all  his  civil  and 
political  rights  at  home.2  Very  nearly  the  same  is  true 
of  the  Austrian  law.3 

The  great  principles  on  which  the  American  govern 
ment  is  founded,  will  throw  some  light  on  this  subject, 
considered  as  an  American  question.  One  of  these  prin 
ciples  is  that  of  Christianity.  And  has  Christianity  no 
thing  to  do  with  the  political  principle  of  emigration,  and, 
if  necessary,  of  expatriation  ?  The  first  command  given 
to  the  disciples,  immediately  after  the  full  revelation  of 
the  Christian  code,  was,  to  "  go  and  teach  all  nations,"4 
a  command  which  could  not  be  fulfilled  but  by  personal 

1  There  have  been  several  cases  in  the  Supreme  Court,  touching  the 
right  of  expatriation,  but  the  court  has  rather  tended  to  sustain  the  English 
law.  These  decisions  had,  however,  nothing  to  do  with  the  national  right 
of  protection  to  its  adopted  citizens.  The  cases  in  which  this  matter  was 
discussed  are  Talbot  vs.  Janson,  3  Dallas,  133  ;  Isaac  Williams,  4th 
volume  Niles'  Register,  109  ;  The  Santisima  Trinidad,  1  Wheaton,  283. 
In  these  cases  the  courts  maintained  that  expatriation  could  not  take 
place  without  a  bonafide  change  of  residence  with  an  intention  to  re 
main.  But  the  question  of  expatriation  itself,  they  left  undecided. 

4  2  Kent's  Commentaries,  p.  50. 

*  Austrian  Decree  of  1832.     See  2  Kent's  Commentaries,  p.  50,  note. 

4  Matthew  xxviii.  19 


THE  UNITED  STATES  RECOGNISE  IT.  53 

presence  in  the  midst  of  all  nations,  which  required  con 
tinual  commercial  intercourse,  the  propagation  and  im 
provement  of  the  arts,  and,  finally,  the  protection  of 
strangers  in  the  midst  of  foreign  nations.  This  was  ne 
cessary  to  propagate  Christianity,  and,  when  propagated, 
its  effect  was  to  make  peace  permanent,  and  the  progress 
of  improvement  perpetual.  In  the  midst  of  this  progress 
of  Christianity,  the  United  States  were  brought  into  being. 
They  adopted  in  no  small  degree  its  spirit.  Their  peo 
ple  were  emigrants  over  wide  oceans,  and  into  forest 
lands.  Should  such  a  people,  founding  such  a  govern 
ment,  deny  to  the  emigrant  stranger  the  protection  of  its 
laws  and  hospitality  ? 

The  spirit  of  liberty  also  requires  the  unrestrained  free 
dom  of  intercourse  and  locomotion.  It  requires,  that  the 
citizen  should  be  allowed  to  carry  his  commercial  enter 
prises  into  all  nations,  remain  there,  if  he  choose,  and 
claim  the  protection  of  the  laws  in  that  nation  where  he 
resides. 

The  government  of  the  United  States,  founded  on  these 
principles,  has  recognised  the  right  of  emigration  and  the 
right  of  expatriation,  by  the  constitutional  adoption  of 
naturalization  laws.1  While  it  recognised  the  principle, 
however,  that  the  citizens  of  one  country  may  be  incor 
porated  in  another,  it  has  determined  neither  the  time, 
mode,  or  other  circumstances,  under  which  that  act  may 
be  performed.  Nor,  indeed,  has  it  made  the  act  one 
of  obligation.  The  act  and  the  mode  of  the  act  are,  by 
the  Constitution,  left  to  each  generation  of  the  American 
people,  and  their  representatives  in  Congress  to  deter- 

1  U.  S.  Constitution,  art.  1,  sec.  8. 

4* 


54  ANTAGONISM  OF  PRINCIPLES. 

mine,  according  to  their  sense  of  expediency.  Accord 
ingly,  they  have  three  times  changed  the  terms  of  natu 
ralization,  to  correspond  with  their  sense,  at  the  time,  of 
policy  or  propriety.1 

Such  were  the  principles  on  which  the  American  gov 
ernment  was  founded,  and  such  was  the  application  of 
those  principles  to  the  questions  of  emigration  and  expa 
triation  made  in  its  fundamental  law — the  Constitution. 
It  follows  from  these  facts,  that  the  national  government, 
in  all  intercourse,  whether  of  peace  or  war,  with  foreign 
nations,  is  bound  to  maintain  the  position  it  has  assumed. 
If  that  position  be  opposed,  as  in  fact  it  is,  to  the  prin 
ciples  affirmed  by  other  civilized  nations,  it  equally  fol 
lows,  they  will  present  points  of  antagonism  and  frequent 
controversy.  This  has  been  the  case,  and  this  antagon 
ism  of  principles  has  been  one  of  the  subjects  of  warm 
debate  between  the  governments  of  Great  Britain  and  the 
United  States.  The  former  maintained,  that  citizenship 
is  perpetual,  and  allegiance  perpetual.  If  this  be  true,  it 
is  an  inevitable  consequence,  that  a  born  citizen  of  Eng 
land,  whether  naturalized  or  not,  may  be  reclaimed  when 
found  in  foreign  vessels,  and  incur  the  penalties  of  trea 
son,  if  found  fighting  against  his  birth-country.  The 
American  government,  on  the  other  hand,  maintains  its 
right  to  naturalize  a  foreigner,  and  its  duty  to  protect  him 
when  naturalized. 

In  October,  1807,  Great  Britain,  by  proclamation,  re 
called  from  foreign  service  all  seamen  and  sea-faring  men, 


1  In  1790,  the  naturalization  laws  required  two  years'  residence;  in 
1195,  five;  in  1798,  fourteen ;  and  in  1802,  this  period  was  reduced  to 
five,  where  it  remains. 


THE  PRISONERS  TAKEN  AT  QUEENSTOWN.  55 

who  were  natural-born  subjects,  and  ordered  them  to 
withdraw  themselves  and  return  home.  At  the  same 
time  it  declared,  that  no  foreign  letters  of  naturalization 
could  divest  its  natural-born  subjects  of  their  allegiance, 
or  alter  their  duty  to  their  lawful  sovereign. 

In  the  United  States,  by  the  act  of  naturalization,  a 
foreigner  becomes  entitled  to  all  the  privileges  and  im 
munities  of  natural-born  citizens,  except  that  of  holding 
certain  offices,  such  as  President.1  These  two  positions 
are  those  of  absolute  antagonism,  and  were  alone  sufficient 
to  account  for  much  of  the  controversy  and  heat  which 
attended  the  war  of  1812.  Claims  to  the  reclamation  of 
British-born  subjects  naturalized  in  America,  and  claims 
to  impress  them  when  found  in  American  ships,  were 
made  on  the  one  hand  and  resisted  on  the  other.  This 
was  the  state  of  things  when  the  incidents  took  place 
which  we  are  about  to  relate. 

The  battle  of  Queenstown  closed  with  the  surrender  of 
Scott  and  his  small  force  to  the  greatly  superior  numbers 
under  the  command  of  General  Sheaffe.2  These  prisoners 
were  sent  to  Quebec,  thence  in  a  cartel  to  Boston,  and 
soon  after  Scott  was  exchanged.  When  the  prisoners 
were  about  to  sail  from  Quebec,  Scott,  being  in  the  cabin 
of  the  transport,  heard  a  bustle  upon  deck,  and  hastened 
up.  There  he  found  a  party  of  British  officers  in  the  act 
of  mustering  the  prisoners,  and  separating  from  the  rest 
such  as,  by  confession  or  the  accent  of  the  voice,  were 
judged  to  be  Irishmen.  The  object  was  to  send  them, 

1  2  Kent's  Commentaries,  66. 

2  Scott's  command  when  surrendered,  as  we  have  seen,  amounted  to 
139  regulars,  and  154  militia. 


56  A  SCENE  IN  THE  PRISON-SHIP. 

in  a  frigate  then  alongside,  to  England,  to  be  tried  and 
executed  for  the  crime  of  high  treason,  they  being  taken 
in  arms  against  their  native  allegiance  !  Twenty-three 
had  been  thus  set  apart  when  Scott  reached  the  deck, 
and  there  were  at  least  forty  more  of  the  same  birth  in 
the  detachment.  They  were  all  in  deep  affliction,  at 
what  they  regarded  as  the  certain  prospect  of  a  shameful 
death.  Many  were  adopted  citizens  of  the  United  States, 
and  several  had  left  families  in  the  land  of  their  adop 
tion.  The  moment  Scott  ascertained  the  object  of  the 
British  officers,  acting  under  the  express  orders  of  the 
governor-general,  Sir  George  Provost,  he  commanded 
his  men  to  answer  no  more  questions,  in  order  that  no 
other  selection  should  be  made  by  the  test  of  speech. 
He  commanded  them  to  remain  absolutely  silent,  and  they 
strictly  obeyed.  This  was  done,  in  spite  of  the  threats 
of  the  British  officers,  and  not  another  man  was  separated 
from  his  companions.  Scott  was  repeatedly  commanded 
to  go  below,  and  high  altercations  ensued.  He  addressed 
the  party  selected,  and  explained  to  them  fully  the  recip 
rocal  obligations  of  allegiance  and  protection,  assuring 
them,  that  the  United  States  would  not  fail  to  avenge 
their  gallant  and  faithful  soldiers ;  and  finally  pledged 
himself,  in  the  most  solemn  manner,  that  retaliation,  and, 
if  necessary,  a  refusal  to  give  quarter  in  battle,  should 
follow  the  execution  of  any  one  of  the  party.  In  the 
midst  of  this  animated  harangue  he  was  frequently  inter 
rupted  by  the  British  officers,  but,  though  unarmed,  could 
not  be  silenced. 

The  Irishmen  were  put  in  irons  on  board  the  frigate, 
and  sent  to  England.  When  Scott  landed  in  Boston,  he 
proceeded  to  Washington,  and  was  duly  exchanged.  He 


SCOTT'S  LETTER  TO  THE  SECRETARY  OF  WAR.     57 

immediately  related  to  the  president  the  scene  which  had 
occurred  at  Quebec,  and  was  by  him  instructed  to  make 
a  full  report  of  the  whole  transaction,  in  writing,  to  the 
secretary  of  war.  This  was  done  on  the  13th  January, 
1813.1 

As  this  letter  is  an  important  and  authentic  portion  of 
the  history  of  the  discussion  which  subsequently  ensued, 
in  regard  to  the  rights  of  naturalized  citizens  under  the 
code  of  international  law,  we  insert  it  in  this  place. 

Lieutenant-Colonel  Scott  to  the  Secretary  of  War. 
Sir— 

I  think  it  my  duty  to  lay  before  the  department 
that,  on  the  arrival  at  Quebec  of  the  American  prisoners 
of  war  surrendered  at  Queenstown,  they  were  mustered 
and  examined  by  British  officers  appointed  to  that  duty, 
and  every  native-born  of  the  United  Kingdoms  of  Great 
Britain  and  Ireland  sequestered,  and  sent  on  board  a  ship 
of  war  then -in  the  harbor.  The  vessel  in  a  few  days 
thereafter  sailed  for  England,  with  these  persons  on  board. 
Between  fifteen  and  twenty2  persons  were  thus  taken  from 
us,  natives  of  Ireland,  several  of  whom  were  known  by 
their  platoon  officers  to  be  naturalized  citizens  of  the 

1  American  State  Papers,  vol.  3,  p.  634,  as  published  under  an  act  of 
Congress. 

3  There  were,  in  fact,  twenty-three,  as  stated  in  the  text.  Their  names 
are  given  on  the  632d  page,  vol.  3,  of  American  State  Papers.  They 
were  as  follows,  viz  : — Henry  Kelley,  Henry  Blaney,  George  M'Common, 
John  Dolton,  Michael  Condin,  John  Clark,  Peter  Burr,  Andrew  Doyle, 
John  McGowan,  James  Gill,  John  Fulsum,  Patrick  McBraharty,  Mat 
thew  Mooney,  Patrick  Karns,  John  Fitzgerald,  John  Wiley,  John  Donel- 
ley,  John  Currey,  Nathan  Shaley,  Edward  M'Garrigan,  John  Dinnue, 
John  Williams,  George  Johnson. 


58  THE  LAW  OF  RETALIATION. 

United  States,  and  others  to  have  been  long  residents 
within  the  same.  One  in  particular,  whose  name  has 
escaped  me,  besides  having  complied  with  all  the  condi 
tions  of  our  naturalization  laws,  was  represented  by  his 
officers  to  have  left  a  wife  and  five  children,  all  of  them 
born  within  the  state  of  New  York. 

I  distinctly  understood,  as  well  from  the  officers  who 
came  on  board  the  prison-ship  for  the  above  purposes,  as 
from  others  with  whom  I  remonstrated  on  this  subject, 
that  it  was  the  determination  of  the  British  government, 
as  expressed  through  Sir  George  Provost,  to  punish  every 
man  whom  it  might  subject  to  its  power,  found  in  arms 
against  the  British  king  contrary  to  his  native  allegiance. 
I  have  the  hqnor  to  be,  sir, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

W.  SCOTT, 
Lieut.-Col.  U.  S.  2d  artillery. 

At  the  instance  of  Scott,  this  Report  was,  the  same 
day,  sent  to  both  houses  of  Congress.  It  was  also  by 
him  pressed  on  the  attention  of  many  members  in  each 
house.  The  result  was  the  early  passage  of  the  "  Act 
vesting  the  President  of  the  United  States  with  the  power 
of  retaliation ;"  ordered  to  a  third  reading,  Feb.  27th,  and 
passed  March  3d,  1813.1 

Two  months  after  this,  (May  27th,  1813,)  in  the  battle 
and  capture  of  Fort  George,  Scott  made  a  great  number 
of  prisoners.  True  to  his  pledge  given  at  Quebec,  he, 
as  adjutant-general,  (chief  of  the  staff,)  immediately  se 
lected  twenty-three  of  the  number  to  be  confined  in  the 

1  4th  volume  of  Niles's  Register,  pages  8,  9. 


THE  MEETING  AND  RECOGNITION.  59 

interior  of  the  United  States,  there  to  abide  the  fate  of 
the  twenty-three  imprisoned  and  sent  to  England  by  the 
British  officers.  In  making  the  selection,  he  was  careful 
not  to  include  a  single  Irishman,  in  order  that  Irishmen 
might  not  be  sacrificed  for  Irishmen.  This  step  led,  on 
both  sides,  to  the  confinement  as  hostages,  of  many  other 
men  and  officers,  all  of  whom  were,  of  course,  dependent 
for  their  lives  on  the  fate  of  the  original  twenty-three. 

In  July,  1815,  when  peace  had  been  some  months  con 
cluded,  and  Scott  (then  a  major-general)  was  passing 
along  on  the  East  River  side  of  the  city  of  New  York,  he 
was  attracted  by  loud  cheers  and  bustle  on  one  of  the 
piers.  He  approached  the  scene,  and  great  was  his  de 
light  to  find,  that  it  was  the  cheers  of  his  old  Irish  friends, 
in  whose  behalf  he  had  interfered  at  Quebec,  and  who 
had,  that  moment,  landed  in  triumph,  after  a  confinement 
of  more  than  two  years  in  English  prisons  !  He  was 
quickly  recognised  by  them,  hailed  as  their  deliverer, 
and  nearly  crushed  by  their  warm-hearted  embraces  ! 
Twenty-one  were  present,  two  having  died  natural  deaths. 

Scott  had  not  then  recovered  from  the  wounds  he  had 
received  in  the  bloody  battle  of  the  Niagara,  and  was 
about  to  embark  on  a  voyage  to  Europe.  Yet,  in  conformity 
with  the  promises  of  friendship  he  had  made  these  men, 
he  found  time  to  write  to  the  departments  at  Washington, 
and  solicit  for  them  their  patents  for  land  bounties,  and 
their  long  arrearages  of  pay.  He  was  successful,  and 
they  were  at  length  restored  both  to  their  adopted  coun 
try  and  their  promised  rewards.  Several  of  these  brave 
sons  of  Ireland  are  yet  alive,  and  can  testify  to  the  truth  of 
this  narrative.  They,  in  common  with  hundreds  of  their 
countrymen  taken  prisoners  in  the  same  war,  fighting  the 


60         THE  DOCTRINE  OF  PERPETUAL  ALLEGIANCE. 

battles  of  liberty,  have  good  reason  to  believe  that  they 
owe  their  liberties,  if  not  their  lives,  to  the  solicitations, 
spirit,  and  zeal,  of  Winfield  Scott  \l 

The  doctrine  that  allegiance  was  perpetual,  and  that, 
as  a  direct  consequence,  the  born-citizens  of  Great  Brit 
ain,  who  were  taken  in  the  army  or  navy  of  the  United 
States  in  time  of  war  against  Great  Britain,  were  traitors, 
was  a  settled  doctrine  of  the  British  government.  The 
doctrine,  also,  that  they  should  be  made  examples  of 
to  deter  others  in  similar  circumstances,  was  the  doctrine 
which  they  practised  upon  in  the  beginning  of  the  war, 
notwithstanding  the  fact  that  they  might  be  naturalized 
citizens  of  the  United  States.  Examples  of  this  practice 
were  frequent.  In  the  commencement  of  the  war,  (Au 
gust  or  September,  1812,)  the  United  States  Brig  of  War 
Nautilus  was  captured.  Six  men  of  her  crew  were  se 
lected,  as  British  subjects,  and  put  in  irons,  to  be  sent  to 
England  and  tried  for  their  lives.2  The  fact  being  made 
known  to  Commodore  Rodgers,  he  immediately  took  from 
a  number  of  British  prisoners,  twelve  of  them,  including 
a  midshipman,  as  hostages.  Five  of  the  six  seized  by 
the  British  officers  were  found  to  be  Americans,  and  were 


1  The  number  of  those  actually  imprisoned  by  the  British,  as  hostages, 
was  very  great,  as  may  be  seen  in  full,  by  consulting  the  American  State 
Papers,  vol.  3,  from  630  to  690,  under  the  heads,  Great  Britain,  Natural 
ization.  But  this  number  was  but  a  small  part  of  those  endangered,  for 
the  British  held  a  vast  number  of  our  impressed  seamen,  and  of  prisoners 
taken  in  the  war,  of  whom  many  were  doubtless  naturalized  citizens. 
There  were  twelve  hundred  American  prisoners  confined  at  one  time  at 
Chatham.  See  4  Niles's  Register,  370.  There  were  also  several  thou 
sand  Americans  who  had  been  impressed. 

8  3  Niles's  Register,  43 


ENGLAND  SUSTAINS  AND  ACTS  UPON  IT.  61 

discharged.  The  sixth  was  soon  after  discharged,  and 
the  twelve  hostages  seized  by  Commodore  Rodgers,  were 
also  released.1 

In  October  following,  (1812,)  the  American  Privateer 
Sarah  Ann,  of  Baltimore,  was  captured,  and  sent  into 
New  Providence.  Captain  Moon,  in  his  letter  of  October 
18th,  1812,  states  that  six  of  his  crew  had  been  seized  as 
British  subjects,  put  in  jail,  and  sent  in  the  Brig  Sappho 
to  Jamaica  to  be  tried.2  One  of  these  was  a  native  of 
Ireland,  naturalized  in  the  United  States.  The  others 
were  said  to  be  Americans. 

About  the  same  time  a  boatswain,  and  some  of  the 
crew  of  the  United  States  Sloop  of  War  Wasp,  were  de 
tained  at  Bermuda  on  the  charge  of  being  British  sub 
jects.3 

These  repeated  instances  of  the  same  conduct,  justi 
fied  on  the  same  grounds,  prove  conclusively,  that  they 
were  not  casual  acts  of  British  officers,  in  the  spirit  of 
revenge,  or  the  pride  of  power ;  but,  at  that  time,  the 
settled  policy  of  the  British  government.  The  principles 
assumed  in  the  American  constitution,  that  our  country 
would  receive  into  its  bosom  the  worthy  exiles  of  all  na 
tions,4  required  the  American  government  to  defend  them 
in  the  rights  they  had  legally  acquired.  Accordingly,  the 
affair  of  the  Sarah  Ann5  was  scarcely  known  at  Washing 
ton,  on  the  report  of  Captain  Moon,  when  the  subject  of 

1  3  American  State  Papers,  633. 

2  3  Niles's  Register,  172. 

8  3  Niles's  Register,  220.  These  were  detained  on  suspicion  of  being 
British  subjects. 

4  Mansfield's  Political  Grammar,  69—71. 

5  3  Niles's  Register,  192,  208. 


62       EFFECT  OF  THE  LAW  OF  RETALIATION. 

retaliation  was  introduced  into  both  houses  of  Congress. 
The  Senate's  committee  made  no  report.  But  in  the 
House  of  Representatives,  a  bill  authorizing  acts  of  re 
taliation  was  introduced,  by  Mr.  Wright,  November  17th, 
1812,  and  on  the  19th  rejected,  by  a  vote  of  61  to  51,  on  the 
ground  that  the  President,  as  commander-in-chief  of  the 
army  and  navy,  was  already  vested  with  retaliatory  powers.1 

Notwithstanding  this  rejection,  Scott's  letter  to  the 
secretary  of  war,  of  January  13th,  1813,  followed  up  by 
his  personal  representations  to  members,  induced  Mr. 
Campbell  of  Tennessee,  from  the  committee  appointed 
on  the  9th  of  November,  1812,  to  whom  the  subject  was 
referred,  to  report,  Feb.  12th,  1813,  "A  Bill  vesting  in 
the  President  of  the  United  States  the  power  of  retalia 
tion  in  certain  cases  therein  specified."  This  bill  passed 
the  Senate  on  the  18th,  (yeas  17,  nays  4,2)  and  the  House 
on  the  27th,  (yeas  56,  nays  17,)  and  the  President  gave 
it  his  signature  March  3d,  1813. 

It  was  under  this  law,  passed  at  the  instance  of  Scott, 
that  he,  as  adjutant-general,  at  the  end  of  his  day's  opera 
tions,  at  Fort  George,  May  27th,  1813,  selected  the 
Englishmen,  and  sent  them  into  the  United  States,  as 
hostages  for  the  imprisoned  Irishmen.3 

Here  let  the  fact  be  noted  that,  although  other  Ameri 
can  soldiers,  also  born  in  the  British  dominions,  were 
subsequently  made  prisoners  of  war,  not  another  one  was 
set  apart  by  the  enemy,  to  be  tried  for  treason,  during  the 
remainder  of  the  war.  This  was  the  result  of  a  firm  de 
termination  to  execute  prisoner  for  prisoner.  The  severity 

1  3  Nilos's  Register,  208.  a  Idem,  406. 

*  See  General  Dearborn's  Letter,  4th  vol.  Niles:s  Register. 


LETTER  OF  EARL  BATHURST.  63 

of  justice  is  sometimes  favorable  to  peace  and  humanity. 
This  same  policy  of  retaliation  was  reluctantly  but  firmly 
adopted  by  General  Washington,  in  the  Revolution,  and 
with  equally  happy  effects. 

From  August,  1812,  when  the  first  imprisonment  of 
American  naturalized  citizens  (British-born)  took  place,  to 
the  campaign  of  1814,  in  the  north,  where  the  tide  of  war 
on  land  turned  in  favor  of  America,  a  succession  of  hos 
tages  was  selected,  and  a  discussion  on  the  legal  points 
involved  was  maintained,  between  the  authorities  of  Great 
Britain  and  the  United  States.  It  is  interesting  to  refer 
to  the  claims  of  England  at  that  time,  and  the  defence 
of  them  by  some  persons  in  America,  if  it  were  only  to 
contrast  them  with  the  very  different  acts  and  opinions 
upon  the  same  subject,  at  the  present  time,  both  in  Eu 
rope  and  America.  In  a  collection  of  American  state 
papers,1  may  be  found  a  correspondence,  of  which  the 
following  is  a  part. 

Earl  Bathurst  to  Sir  George  Prevost. 

Downing  Street,  August  12th,  1813. 

Sir— 

I  have  had  the  honor  of  receiving  your  dispatch 
No.  66,  of  the  6th  of  June,  enclosing  a  letter  addressed  to 
your  excellency  by  Major-General  Dearborn.  In  this 
letter  it  is  stated,  that  the  American  commissary  of  pris 
oners  in  London,  had  made  it  known  to  his  government, 

1  American  State  Papers,  selected  and  published  under  the  authority 
of  Congress,  by  committees  of  both  houses.  The  letter  of  Earl  Bathurst 
will  be  found  in  vol.  iii.  pages  640—1. 

All  the  official  documents  connected  with  this  subject  will  be  found  in 
the  State  Papers,  vol.  iii.  pages  630-692. 


64  THE    BRITISH   LAW  MAINTAINED  IN  THEORY, 

that  twenty-three  soldiers  of  the  1st,  6th,  and  13th  regi 
ments  of  United  States  infantry,  made  prisoners,  had  been 
sent  to  England,  and  held  in  close  confinement  as  British 
subjects  ;  and  that  Major-General  Dearborn  had  received 
instructions  from  his  government  to  put  into  close  con 
finement  twenty-three  British  soldiers,  to  be  kept  as  hos 
tages  for  the  safe-keeping  and  restoration,  in  exchange, 
of  the  soldiers  of  the  United  States  who  had  been  sent,  as 
above  stated,  to  England  ;  and  General  Dearborn  ap 
prizes  you  that,  in  obedience  to  these  instructions,  he  had 
put  twenty-three  British  soldiers  in  close  confinement,  to 
be  kept  as  hostages. 

The  persons  referred  to  in  this  letter  were  soldiers 
serving  in  the  American  army,  taken  prisoners  at  Queens- 
town,  and  sent  home  by  you,  that  they  might  be  disposed 
of  according  to  the  pleasure  of  His  Royal  Highness  the 
Prince  Regent,  they  having  declared  themselves  to  be 
British-born  subjects.  Your  excellency  has  been  directed 
to  send  home  the  necessary  evidence  upon  this  point,  and 
they  are  held  in  custody  to  undergo  a  legal  trial. 

You  will  lose  no  time  in  communicating  to  Major- 
General  Dearborn,  that  you  have  transmitted  home  a 
copy  of  his  letter  to  you,  and  that  you  are,  in  consequence, 
instructed  distinctly  to  state  to  him,  that  you  have  re 
ceived  the  commands  of  His  Royal  Highness  the  Prince 
Regent,  forthwith  to  put  in  close  confinement  forty-six 
American  officers  and  non-commissioned  officers,  to  be 
held  as  hostages  for  the  safe-keeping  of  the  twenty-three 
British  soldiers  stated  to  have  been  put  in  close  confine 
ment  by  order  of  the  American  government ;  and  you 
will  at  the  same  time  apprize  him,  that  if  any  of  the  said 
British  soldiers  shall  suffer  death  by  reason  that  the 


BUT  RELINQUISHED  IN  PRACTICE.  65 

soldiers  now  under  confinement  here  have  been  found 
guilty,  and  that  the  known  law,  not  only  of  Great  Britain, 
but  of  every  independent  state  under  like  circumstances, 
has  been  in  consequence  executed,  you  have  been  in 
structed  to  select  out  of  the  American  officers  and  non 
commissioned  officers  whom  you  shall  have  put  into  close 
confinement,  as  many  as  may  double  the  number  of  Brit 
ish  soldiers  who  shall  so  unwarrantably  have  been  put  to 
death,  and  cause  such  officers  and  non-commissioned  offi 
cers  to  suffer  death  immediately. 

And  you  are  further  instructed  to  notify  to  Major- 
General  Dearborn,  that  the  commanders  of  His  Majesty's 
fleets  and  armies  on  the  coasts  of  America,  have  received 

* 

instructions  to  prosecute  the  war  with  unmitigated  severi 
ty  against  all  cities,  towns,  and  villages,  belonging  to  the 
United  States,  and  against  the  inhabitants  thereof,  if, 
after  this  communication  shall  have  been  duly  made  to 
Major-General  Dearborn,  and  a  reasonable  time  given  for 
its  being  transmitted  to  the  American  government,  that 
government  shall  unhappily  not  be  deterred  from  putting 
to  death  any  of  the  soldiers  who  now  are,  or  who  may 
hereafter  be,  kept  as  hostages,  for  the  purposes  stated  in 
the  letter  from  Major-General  Dearborn. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be, 

BATHURST. 

The  threats  contained  in  this  letter  were  never  executed. 
The  British  government,  either  from  motives  of  humanity, 
from  a  conviction  of  error,  or  from  the  knowledge  that 
it  had  no  power  to  carry  such  principles  into  effect,  re 
treated,  in  practice  if  not  in  theory,  from  the  bold  ground 
they  had  assumed  ;  and  have  never  again  returned  to  it. 

5 


66      A  GOVERNMENT  CONTRARY  TO  PRECEDENT. 

The  principle  on  which  Lord  Bathurst  founded  his  in 
structions,  was  one  which,  if  allowed  full  force,  would 
have  swept  the  American  republic  from  existence.  It 
was,  that  the  execution  of  these  Irishmen,  naturalized  in 
the  United  States,  was  required  by  the  "  known  law  not 
only  of  Great  Britain,  but  of  every  independent  state 
under  similar  circumstances."  What  principle  peculiar 
to  the  American  republic  was  not  contrary  to  the  "  known 
law,"  not  only  of  Great  Britain,  but  of  other  "  independent 
states"  of  Europe  ?  The  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  was,  in  many  of  its  most  important  features,  con 
trary  to  all  precedents  in  the  governments  of  Europe, 
Asia,  or  Africa.  The  little  fragments  of  republics  which 
claim  an  independent  existence  in  Europe,  whether  the 
San  Marino  of  the  Apennines  or  the  free  cities  of  Ger 
many,  cannot  be  deemed  independent  states,  any  longer 
than  it  may  suit  the  interest  or  policy  of  the  powerful 
empires  which  surround  them. 

The  recognition  of  political  rights  in  the  body  of  the 
people ;  the  principle  that  those  rights  could  not  be  im 
paired  by  any  act  of  the  government ;  and  the  elective 
chief  magistracy,  were  all  contrary  to  the  "  known  law," 
not  only  of  Great  Britain,  but  of  other  independent  states 
of  Europe.  If  the  fact  of  this  opposition  of  laws  could 
confer  a  right  to  execute  a  naturalized  citizen  of  the 
United  States,  might  it  not  as  reasonably  and  righteously 
authorize  the  punishment  of  an  American  citizen,  for 
sustaining  an  elective  president  in  opposition  to  an  heredi 
tary  monarch  ? 

Precedents  which  concern  the  rights  of  property,  and 
are  made  venerable  by  age,  are  held  in  a  just  reverence 
and  regard  by  the  opinions  of  mankind,  because  they  are 


THE  UNITED  STATES  MAINTAINS  ITS  POSITION.          67 

then  within  the  proper  sphere  of  their  origin  and  their  in 
fluence.  But,  had  the  American  people  searched  among 
the  records  of  nations  for  a  precedent  on  which  to  form 
their  government,  they  had  searched  in  vain.  The  world 
had  no  such  precedent.  The  world  had  no  mould  in  which 
to  form  such  a  republic,  and  it  had  no  principles  to  apply 
to  it  when  formed.  There  were  no  governments  whose 
practices  were  not  contrary  to  the  principles  of  the  United 
States,  and  no  people  who  did  not  profess  to  venerate  and 
obey  other  principles  of  legislation,  other  modes  of  pro 
cedure,  and  other  foundations  of  right.  Had,  then,  the 
United  States,  in  this  controversy,  conceded  the  justice 
of  the  English  principle,  as  laid  down  by  Lord  Bathurst, 
or  failed  to  defend  their  own,  they  would  only  have  left 
to  posterity  the  duty  of  defending  by  other  wars,  in  other 
ages,  the  liberties  of  America. 

Such,  however,  was  happily  not  the  case.  Notwith 
standing  the  success  which  then  attended  the  allied  arms 
in  Europe,  and  therefore  gave  a  tone  of  superiority  to  the 
claims  of  the  British  ministry,  the  American  government 
yielded  nothing  of  what  it  deemed  the  rights  of  American 
citizens,  nor  failed  to  defend  them  by  any  constitutional 
means  within  its  power. 

The  instructions  of  Lord  Bathurst  were  promptly 
obeyed  by  Sir  George  Prevost,  with  whom  had  originated 
the  barbarian  idea  of  hanging  the  twenty-three  captured 
Irishmen  for  treason.  The  President  of  the  United  States, 
Mr.  Madison,  was  neither  alarmed  by  this  fact,  nor  by 
the  threat  of  the  British  secretary,  that  the  war  should 
be  prosecuted  with  "  unmitigated  severity,"  against  the 
"cities,  towns,  and  villages,  belonging  to  the  United 
States,  and  against  the  inhabitants  thereof."  He  directed 


68  NEW  HOSTAGES  SELECTED. 

that  forty-six  British  officers  should  be  instantly  set  apart 
as  hostages,  for  the  safety  and  restoration  of  our  "  forty- 
six  officers  and  non-commissioned  officers"  designated  by 
Lord  Bathurst. 

The  new  hostages  were  partly  selected  -from  Scott's 
captures,  and  partly  from  the  prisoners  taken  by  General 
Harrison  at  the  battle  of  the  Thames.  Some  other  im 
prisonments  were  made  on  both  sides,  in  the  following 
winter.  In  the  campaign  of  1814,  however,  the  Ameri 
can  arms  were  crowned  with  such  brilliant  success,  that 
Gr#at  Britain  had  little  of  either  power  or  inclination  to 
pursue  the  war  of  retaliation  on  American  prisoners.  In 
fact,  it  ceased.  The  prisoners  were  not  executed ;  and 
the  claims  of  Great  Britain  on  that  subject,  were  silently 
left  to  neglect  and  oblivion. 

In  the  mean  time,  a  discussion  of  this  question  went  on 
among  the  people,  and  in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States. 
While  the  American  principle  was  ably  defended  on  one 
hand,  it  was  also  vehemently  attacked  on  the  other. 

The  secretary  of  state,  Mr.  Monroe,  made  a  report  to 
the  President,  dated  April  14th,  1814.1  It  was  laid  be 
fore  the  President  two  days  later,  accompanied  by  various 
documents  illustrating  the  conduct  of  the  belligerents 
towards  their  respective  prisoners.  In  that  document,  it 
is  said  : 

"  The  contrast  which  these  documents  present,  in  the 
pretensions  and  conduct  of  Great  Britain,  with  the  pre 
tensions  and  conduct  of  the  United  States,  cannot  fail  to 
make  a  deep  impression  in  favor  of  the  latter.  The  Brit 
ish  government  impresses  into  its  navy  native  citizens  of 

1  3  American  State  Papers,  630 


MR.  MONROE  S  REPORT.  69 

the  United  States,  and  compels  them  to  serve  in  it,  and, 
in  many  instances,  even  to  fight  against  their  country, 
while  it  arrests  as  traitors,  and  menaces  with  death,  per 
sons  suspected  to  be  native  British  subjects,  for  having 
fought  under  our  standard  against  British  forces,  although 
they  had  voluntarily  entered  into  our  army,  after  having 
emigrated  to  the  United  States  and  incorporated  them 
selves  into  the  American  Society.  The  United  States, 
on  the  other  hand,  have  forced  no  persons  into  their  ser 
vice,  nor  have  they  sought,  nor  are  they  disposed,  to 
punish  any  who,  after  having  freely  emigrated  to  any  part 
of  the  British  dominions,  and  settled  there,  may  have 
entered  voluntarily  into  the  British  army. 

*  *  *  "  Although  examples  may  be  found  of  the  pun 
ishment  of  their  native  subjects  taken  in  arms  against 
them,  the  examples  are  few,  and  have  either  been  marked 
by  peculiar  circumstances,  taking  them  out  of  the  con 
troverted  principle,  or  have  proceeded  from  the  passions 
or  policy  of  the  occasion.  Even  in  prosecutions  and  con 
victions  having  the  latter  origin,  the  final  act  of  punish 
ment  has,  with  little  exception,  been  prevented  by  a  sense 
of  equity  and  humanity,  or  a  dread  of  retaliation.  It  is 
confidently  believed,  that  no  instance  can  be  found,  in 
which  the  alleged  purposes  of  the  enemy  against  the 
twenty-three  prisoners  in  question,  under  all  the  circum 
stances  which  belong  to  their  case,  even  should  any  of 
them  not  have  been  regularly  naturalized,  are  counte 
nanced  by  the  proceedings  of  any  European  nation. 

"  That  if  no  instances  occur  of  retaliation  in  the  few 
cases  requiring  it,  or  in  any  of  them,  by  the  government 
employing  such  persons,  it  has  been,  as  is  presumable, 
because  the  punishment  which  had  been  inflicted  by  the 


70  THE  CONTRACT. 

native  country  might  be  accounted  for  on  some  principle 
other  than  the  denial  of  the  right  of  emigration  and  natu 
ralization.  Had  the  government  employing  the  persons 
so  punished  by  their  native  country,  retaliated  in  such 
cases,  it  might  have  incurred  the  reproach,  either  of 
countenancing  acknowledged  crimes,  or  of  following  the 
example  of  the  other  party  in  acts  of  cruelty,  exciting 
horror,  rather  than  of  fulfilling  its  pledge  to  innocent  per 
sons  in  support  of  rights  fairly  obtained,  and  sanctioned 
by  the  general  opinion  and  practice  of  all  the  nations  of 
Europe,  ancient  and  modern." 

In  regard  to  the  personal  rights  of  the  imprisoned  Irish 
men,  and  their  claim  for  defence  on  the  government  of 
the  United  States,  the  acts  of  Congress  regulating  the 
army  are  supposed  to  furnish  another  argument,  not  men 
tioned  by  Mr.  Monroe.  The  original  act  of  Congress 
regulating  the  recruiting  service,1  required  that  none  but 
"able-bodied  citizens"  should  be  enlisted.  But  on  the  ap 
proach  of  war,  (Jan.  llth,  1812,)  Congress  designedly 
changed  this  to  "able-bodied  men,"2  according  to  the  usual 
practice  in  recruiting  war-establishments.  This  act  of 
Congress  was,  in  some  measure,  an  invitation  to  foreign 
ers  to  join  our  standard,  and  therefore  created  an  obliga 
tion  on  the  part  of  the  government  to  defend  those  who 
had  accepted  its  offers.  The  twenty-three  men  in  ques 
tion  had  bravely  and  faithfully  performed  their  parts  of 
the  contract.  The  United  States,  therefore,  were,  in  good 
faith,  bound  to  perform  theirs. 

A  different  view  of  this  subject,  and  its  relations  to  the 
national  law  of  the  United  States,  and  their  intercourse 

1  Laws  of  the  United  States.  *  Idem. 


SPEECH  OF  MR.  HANSON.  71 

with  foreign  nations,  was,  however,  taken,  by  some  citi 
zens  of  ability  and  distinction. 

They  appealed  to  what  LordBathurst  called  the  "known 
law  of  Great  Britain,"  and  considered  the  doctrines  of  the 
United  States  but  as  new  theories,  entitled  to  but  little 
weight,  when  opposed  to  the  British  precedents,  which 
sustained  the  principle  of  perpetual  allegiance.  At  the 
moment  when  this  great  question  was  debated,  both  by 
arms  and  by  negotiation,  between  the  contending  bellige 
rents,  on  either  side  of  the  Atlantic,  it  was  also  discussed 
in  the  House  of  Representatives. 

The  Hon.  Mr.  Hanson,1  in  a  speech  made  Feb.  14th, 
1814,  took  this  ground,  in  opposition  to  a  bill  authorizing 
a  loan  of  twenty-five  millions  of  dollars,  to  carry  on  the 
war.  The  general  object  of  that  opposition  was,  by  stop- 
ing  the  supplies,  to  force  the  United  States  into  a  peace 
with  Great  Britain.  He  pronounced  "  the  impressment 
of  British  seamen  from  American  merchant  vessels,"  to 
have  become  "  the  vital  point"  in  contest,  as  it  respected 
the  supporters  of  the  war. 

He  said — 

"  Mr.  Chairman — upon  this  question  of  impressment, 
allegiance,  protection,  and  naturalization,  which  has  been 
connected  with  it,  gentlemen  here  may  fret,  rail,  and  argue, 
until  doomsday.  They  may  set  up  new-fangled  doctrines, 
and  deny  old  and  established  principles,  but  as  far  as 
depends  on  the  opinions  of  the  ablest  jurists,  and  the 
practice  of  the  oldest  regular  governments,  the  point  in 
controversy  is  long  ago  settled.  It  is  immutably  deter 
mined 

1  Carpenter's  Select  American  Speeches,  vol.  2,  pp.  425-431. 


72  AN  APPEAL  TO  POSTERITY. 

[Here  he  quoted  "  the  fundamental  maxim  of  the  law 
of  England" — "  perpetual  allegiance" — "  once  a  subject, 
always  a  subject,"  &c.] 

"  Now,  sir,"  continued  Mr.  Hanson,  "  I  am  prepared  to 
go  a  step  further  than  has  been  deemed  necessary  from 
the  actual  case  presented  to  our  consideration.  I  say,  that 
an  Englishman,  naturalized  or  not  by  our  laws,  if  found 
in  arms  against  his  native  country,  is  a  traitor  by  the  laws 
of  his  native  country.  I  do  not  confine  the  position  to 
British  subjects  naturalized  here,  and  made  captives  with 
in  the  dominions  of  their  sovereign,  where  the  arm  of 
protection  cannot  be  extended ;  but,  if  the  armies  of  the 
enemy  crossed  the  line,  and  invaded  us  in  turn,  and  made 
prisoner  a  Briton  found  in  arms  against  Britain,  he  is  as 
much  a  traitor  as  if  taken  a  prisoner  in  the  heart  of  the 
British  empire. 

"  Such  men  are  traitors  in  the  legal,  true  sense  of  the 
word,  and  ought  to  be  treated  as  such.  The  good  of  society 
and  the  safety  of  government  require  it.  If,  to  protect 
them,  we  resort  to  a  bloody,  ferocious,  exterminating  sys 
tem  of  retaliation,  we  shed  the  innocent  blood  of  our  own 
countrymen. 

"  I  say,  then,  without  reserve,  if  the  President  proceeds 
in  the  ruthless,  bloody  business  he  has  commenced,  he  is 
answerable,  here  and  hereafter,  for  all  the  American  lives 
wantonly  sacrificed.  Posterity  will  pronounce  him  guilty, 
and  heap  maledictions  upon  his  name. 

*  *  *  «  \vnen  tne  party  contests  of  the  day  are  forgot 
ten  ;  when  the  passions  engendered  by  political  strife 
have  subsided  ;  when  reason  shall  resume  her  throne, 
and  the  present  generation  is  swept  into  the  silent 
tomb,  those  who  live  after  us  will  pronounce  a  judgment 


VERDICT  OF  POSTERITY.  73 

upon  the  chief  actors  in  this  tragedy  of  blood  and  mur 
der."1 

Mr.  Burke  has  said  in  one  of  his  eloquent  productions,2 
that  no  one  was  ever  known  to  call  up  the  spirits  of  the 
dead,  but  he  was  answered  with  the  denunciation  of  evil 
upon  himself.  With  equal  truth  it  may  be  said  of  those 
who  appeal  to  posterity  for  a  verdict  against  their  country. 
Thirty-three  years,  the  average  period  of  a  generation, 
have  passed  away,  since  this  speech  was  made.  The 
larger  part  of  those  who  then  lived  have  been  "  swept  to 
the  silent  tomb."  The  multitudes  of  advancing  posterity 
already  begin  to  fill  up  the  wide-extended,  but  then  un 
peopled  regions3  of  that  country,  whose  rights  and  glory 
were  then  at  issue  on  the  field  of  arms.  Reason  is  free 
to  judge  who  combated  for  principle  and  who  for  do 
minion.  Where  is  the  American  who  would  now  yield 
any  of  the  objects  then  contended  for  ?  Where  is  the 
nation  which  now  affirms  against  the  United  States,  the 
doctrines  then  assumed  by  Great  Britain  ? 

Measures  of  apparent  severity  often  accomplish  the  ob 
jects  of  mercy.  SCOTT,  who  was  the  originator  and  one  of 
"  the  chief  actors  in  this  tragedy  of  blood  and  murder," 
saw  the  war  close  without  the  execution  of  one  native 
citizen  in  British  hands,  while  the  lives  of  many  adopted 


1  The  tragedy  of  blood  and  murder  was  a  very  peaceful  transaction. 
There  were  hardships  endured,  however,  by  prisoners  in  the  jails  of  Great 
Britain.     Seo  American  State  Papers,  3d  volume,  from  630  to  692. 

2  Burke's  Letter  to  the  Earl  of  Lauderdale.     His  allusion  is  to  Saul 
calling  up  the  spirit  of  the  prophet  Samuel,  by  the  witch  of  Endor,  and 
who  is  answered  by  the  prediction  of  his  own  death. 

*  The  population  of  the  United  States  was  then  eight  millions.     It  ia 
now  twenty  millions ! 


74  WHAT  WAS  GAINED  BY  THE  WAR? 

citizens,  taken  prisoners  in  fighting  the  battles  of  our 
country,  were,  by  his  firmness,  saved  from  an  ignominious 
death.  Thus  were  the  prophecies  of  evil  averted,  the 
rights  of  the  nation  vindicated,  and  the  moral  power  of  a 
victorious  principle  added  to  the  lustre  of  glorious  arms. 
Nor  were  these  its  only  fruits.  When  some  cold  skeptic, 
unmoved  by  the  virtue  of  patriotism,  shall  inquire,  what 
was  gained  by  that  war  ?  let  him  be  answered,  that  it 
defended  the  rights  of  the  sailor  on  the  ocean,1  and  of  the 
citizen  on  the  land.  Let  him  be  referred,  in  the  history 
of  these  events,  to  the  contempt  they  then  suffered,  and 
to  the  usurpations  they  have  now  escaped. 

It  has  been  gravely  said,  that  the  treaty  of  peace  was 
silent  on  the  rights  contended  for,  and  therefore  the  war 
was  without  effect.  They  who  make  this  objection  have 
forgotten,  that  silence  is  often  the  most  expressive  of 
language.  Thirty  years  have  elapsed,  and  the  acts  of 
Great  Britain,  and  other  European  nations,  are  as  silent 
and  as  inoffensive  as  the  treaty.  They  have  practically 
interpreted  its  meaning.  They  have  ceased  from  their 
aggressions,  and  permitted  their  insulting  claims' to  pass 
silently  and  peacefully  into  oblivion.  From  that  bourne 
there  can  be  no  return.  We  might  as  well  expect  to 
see  the  ghosts  of  departed  warriors  resume  their  armor 
and  renew  their  battle-fields,  as  to  see  these  departed 
claims  of  Great  Britain,  against  American  sailors  and 
American  citizens,  again  become  a  cause  of  war,  or  the 
subject  of  any  reasonable  discussion.  They  have  taken 
their  place  among  buried  abuses. 

1  British  impressment  of  American  seamen  was  founded  on  the  same 
pretence — a  born  subject  must  live  and  die  a  subject 


OPENING  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN. 

CHAPTER   VI. 

1813 

Capture  of  York  and  Death  of  Pike. — Scott  joins  the  Army  as  Adjutant- 
General  — Battle  and  Capture  of  Fort  George. — Pursuit  of  the  enemy. 
— Anecdote. — Scott's  Magnanimity. 

WITH  the  battle  of  Queenstown  closed  Scott's  military 
operations  in  1812,  on  the  northern  frontier.  From  Niag 
ara  he  was  sent  to  Quebec^  where  occurred  the  scene, 
already  described,  with  the  captured  Irishmen.  Thence 
he  went  in  a  cartel  ship  to  Boston,  and  in  January,  1813, 
was  exchanged.  His  first  duties  were  performed  at 
Washington,  in  pressing  upon  Congress  the  law  of  retal 
iation,  and  the  vindication  of  American  citizenship.  His 
next  were  to  revisit  the  banks  of  the  Niagara,  and  there, 
in  fresh  actions  of  courage  and  achievement,  give  renew 
ed  evidence  of  devotion  to  country,  and  of  martial  enthu 
siasm. 

The  campaign  of  1813  opened  with  one  of  the  most 
brilliant  actions  of  the  war.  It  was  the  capture  of  York,  the 
capital  of  Upper  Canada,  by  the  American  troops  under 
the  command  of  General  Dearborn.  The  army  was  land 
ed  from  the  squadron  of  Commodore  Chauncey,  and  the 
assailing  party  was  led  by  Pike.  The  place  was  captured, 
with  a  large  number  of  prisoners,  and  the  British  naval 
materiel,  there  collected,  destroyed.1  At  the  moment 

1  See  Letter  of  General  Dearborn  to  the  Secretary  of  War ;  and  the 
Letter  of  Commodore  Chauncey  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  ;  Niles's 
Register,  4th  volume,  page  178. 


78  DEATH    OF   GENERAL  PIKE. 

of  success  a  magazine  exploded,  and  Pike  was  killed  by 
the  fall  of  a  stone.  He  died,  like  Wolfe,  in  the  arms  of 
victory,  and  the  tears  of  grief  and  joy  were  mingling  to 
gether  at  the  story  of  the  battle,  which  was  won,  and  of 
the  hero  who  died.1 

It  was  just  after  this  event,  that  Colonel  Scott  joined 
the  army  at  Fort  Niagara.  He  joined  in  the  capacity  of 
Adjutant-General,  (chief  of  the  staff,)  under  the  command 
of  Major-General  Dearborn.  Though  thus  engaged  in 
staff  duties,  he  insisted  upon  the  right,  and  it  was  con 
ceded,  of  commanding  his  own  regiment  on  extraordinary 
occasions.  The  principal  staff-officers  were  then  new  to 
the  army,  and  upon  Scott  devolved  the  duty  of  organizing 
the  details  of  the  several  departments,  which  he  did  to  the 
satisfaction  of  both  army  and  commander. 

On  the  British  side  of  the  Niagara  was  a  peninsula,  of 
which  Fort  George  was  the  defence.  This  position  Gen 
eral  Dearborn  determined  to  carry.  He  was  then  at  the 
head  of  four  or  five  thousand  men,  and  was  co-operated 
with  by  Commodore  Chauncey  and  his  naval  force.  Ar 
rangements  were  made  for  an  attack  on  the  morning  of 
the  27th  of  May.  At  3  A.  M.  the  fleet  weighed  anchor, 
and  before  four,  the  troops  were  all  on  board  the  boats.2 

1  A  letter  of  General  Pike,  written  to  his  father,  then  living  near  Cin 
cinnati,  was  characteristic  and  prophetic.  He  writes  thus : — 

"  I  embark  to-morrow  in  the  fleet,  at  Sacketts  Harbor,  at  the  head  of 
a  column  of  1500  choice  troops,  on  a  secret  expedition.  *  *  *  *  *  *  * 
Should  I  be  the  happy  mortal  destined  to  turn  the  scale  of  war,  will  you 
not  rejoice,  Oh  !  my  father?  May  heaven  be  propitious,  and  smile  on  the 
cause  of  my  country.  But  if  we  are  destined  to  fall,  may  my  fall  be  like 
Wolfe's — to  sleep  in  the  arms  of  victory."  The  wish  was  fulfilled. 

a  See  Commodore  Chauncey's  Letter  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy 
4  Niles's  Register,  240. 


SCOTT  LEADS  THE  FORLORN  HOPE.          79 

The  embarkation  was  made  three  miles  east  of  our  Fort 
Niagara.  It  was  made  in  six  divisions  of  boats.  In  the 
first  was  Colonel  Scott,  who  led  the  advanced  guard,  or 
forlorn  hope,  a  service  to  which  he  had  specially  volun 
teered.  In  the  second  was  Colonel  Moses  Porter,  with  the 
field  train.  Then  followed  the  brigades  of  Generals  Boyd, 
Winder,  Chandler,  and  a  reserve  under  Col.  A.  Macomb. 

In  the  mean  time,  Commodore  Chauncey  had  directed 
his  schooners  to  anchor  close  in  shore,  so  near  as  to  cover 
the  landing  of  the  troops,  and  scour  by  their  fire  the  woods 
and  plain  wherever  the  enemy  might  make  his  appear 
ance.1  Captain  Perry,  a  friend  of  Scott's,  had  joined 
Commodore  Chauncey,  from  Erie,  on  the  evening  of  the 
25th,  and  gallantly  volunteered  his  services  in  superin- 
teno^ing  the  debarkation  of  the  troops.3  It  was  an  opera 
tion  of  nicety,  in  consequence  of  the  wind,  the  current,  a 
heavy  surf,  and  the  early  commenced  fire  of  the  enemy. 
He  was  present  wherever  he  could  be  useful,  under  show 
ers  of  musketry.3  He  accompanied  the  advanced  guard 
through  the  surf,  and  rendered  special  services,  of  which 
General  Scott  has  since  spoken  in  the  highest  terms  of 
commendation.  It  was  the  budding  forth  of  that  profes 
sional  skill,  and  that  brave  and  generous  conduct,  which 
soon  bloomed  out  in  the  glory  which  now  surrounds  the 
name  of  the  hero  of  Lake  Erie. 

Col.  Scott  effected  his  landing,  on  the  British  shore  of 
Lake  Ontario,  at  nine  o'clock  in  the  morning,  in  good 
order,  at  half  a  mile  from  the  village  of  Newark,  now 


1  See  Commodore  Chauncey's  Letter  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy 
4  Niles's  Register,  240. 

a  Tdem.  *  Idem. 


80          THE  ENEMY  TOTALLY  DEFEATED. 

Niagara,  and  the  same  distance  west  of  the  mouth  of 
the  river.  He  formed  his  line  on  the  beach,  covered 
by  an  irregular  bank,  which  served  as  a  partial  shield 
against  the  enemy's  fire.  This  bank,  which  was  from 
seven  to  twelve  feet  in  height,  he  had  to  scale  against 
the  bayonets  of  the  foe,  who  had  drawn  up  his  force,  some 
fifteen  hundred  men,  immediately  on  its  brow.  In  the 
first  attempt  to  ascend,  the  enemy  pushed  back  the  as 
sailants.  General  Dearborn,  who  was  still  in  the  commo 
dore's  ship,  seeing  with  his  glass  Scott  fall  backward  up 
on  the  beach,  burst  into  tears,  exclaiming,  "  He  is  lost ! 
He  is  killed  !"  Scott's  fall  was,  however,  momentary. 
Recovering  himself,  and  rallying  his  men,  he  reascended 
the  bank,  knocking  up  the  enemy's  bayonets,  and  took  a 
position  at  the  edge  of  a  ravine,1  a  little  way  in  advance. 
A  sharp  action  of  about  twenty  minutes  in  length  ensued. 
It  was  short  and  desperate,  ending  in  the  total  rout  of 
the  enemy  at  every  point. 

Meanwhile,  Porter  with  his  artillery,  and  Boyd  with  a 
part  of  his  brigade,  had  landed  in  the  rear  of  the  advance 
guard,  and  slightly  participated  in  the  close  of  the  action. 
Scott  pursued  the  rout  as  far  as  the  village,  where  he 
was  joined  by  the  6th  regiment  of  infantry,  undet  the 
command  of  Colonel  James  Miller. 

As  the  column  was  passing  Fort  George,  in  pursuit, 
Scott  learned  from  some  prisoners  caught  running  out, 
that  the  garrison  were  about  to  abandon  and  blow  up  the 
place.  Two  companies  were  instantly  dispatched  from 
the  head  of  his  column  to  save  the  work,  its  guns,  and 


See  Chauncey's  official  account,  which  mentions  the  concealment  of 
the  enemy  in  the  same  ravine,  4  Niles,  240. 


SCOTT  TEARS  DOWN  THE  BRITISH  FLAG.  81 

stores.  At  the  distance  of  some  eighty  paces  from  the 
fort,  one  of  its  magazines  exploded.  Scott  was  struck 
with  a  piece  of  timber,  thrown  from  his  horse,  and  much 
hurt.  He  nevertheless  caused  the  gate  to  be  forced,  and 
was  the  first  to  enter.  With  his  own  hand  he  took  down 
the  British  flag,  then  waving  over  the  works.  Being  re 
minded  by  his  prisoners  of  the  danger  he  incurred  from 
explosion,  he  directed  Captains  Hindman  and  Stockton1 
to  snatch  away  the  matches,  which  had  been  applied  by 
the  retreating  garrison  to  two  other  small  magazines. 
The  fort  had  been  rendered  untenable  by  the  American 
batteries  on  the  opposite  shore,2  and  its  capture  was  but 
the  work  of  a  few  minutes.  This  accomplished,  Scott 
remounted,  and  was  soon  at  the  head  of  his  column,  in 
hot  pursuit.  This  pursuit  was  continued  for  five  miles,3 
until,  at  length,  he  was  recalled  by  General  Boyd  in  per 
son.  He  had  already  disregarded  two  successive  orders4 
to  the  same  effect,  sent  by  General  Lewis,  saying  to  the 
aids-de-camp  who  came  to  him,  (one  of  them  Lieutenant, 
now  General,  Worth,  and  the  other  Major  Vandeventer,) 
"Your  General  does  not  know  that  I  have  the  enemy 
within  my  power ;  in  seventy  minutes,  I  shall  capture  his 
whole  force." 

In  point  of  fact,  Scott  was  already  in  the  midst  of  the 
British  stragglers,  with  their  main  body  full  in  sight.  He 
would  not  have  been  overtaken  by  Boyd,  but  that  he  had 
waited  fifteen  minutes  for  Colonel  Burn,  his  senior  officer, 
who  had  consented  to  serve  under  him.  This  last  colonel 

1  The  first  of  these  officers  died  a  colonel,  and  the  second  (Stockton)  is 
now  Governor  of  Delaware. 

2  Dearborn's  Report  to  the  Secretary  of  War. 

*  Armstrong's  Notices  of  the  War.  *  Idem. 

6 


82  SCOTT  IS  RECALLED  FROM  THE  PURSUIT. 

had  just  crossed  the  river  from  the  Five-Mile  Meadow,  in 
the  rear  of  the  main  body  of  the  enemy,  with  one  troop  of 
horse,  and  was  then  waiting  the  landing  of  another  now 
more  than  half  way  over.  This  force  constituted  the  pre 
cise  additional  force  which  was  wanted  by  Scott  to  make 
good  the  assurances  he  had  sent  to  General  Lewis.  With 
the  recall  of  Scott  from  the  pursuit  of  the  enemy  ended 
the  battle  and  capture  of  Fort  George.  The  American 
loss  was  less  than  that  of  the  enemy,1  and  one  of  the  ob 
jects  set  forth  in  the  plan  of  the  campaign  was  decidedly 
accomplished.2 

This  engagement  was  not  without  some  incidents,  which 
may  serve  to  illustrate  both  the  character  of  Scott,  and 
the  gallantry  of  the  American  army.  Scott,  as  we  have 
narrated,  had  turned  from  the  head  of  his  column  to  enter 
Fort  George,  and  seize  the  British  flag.  Just  behind  him 
was  Colonel  Moses  Porter,  of  the  artillery.  On  entering 
the  fort,  and  finding  Scott  there,  Porter  said,  "  Confound 
your  long  legs,  Scott,  you  have  got  in  before  me." 

After  the  capture  of  Scott,  the  year  before,  at  Queens- 
town,  he  was  supping  with  General  Sheaffe,  and  a  num 
ber  of  British  officers,  when  one  of  them,  a  colonel,  asked 
him  if  he  had  ever  seen  the  neighboring  Falls.  Scott  re 
plied,  "  Yes,  from  the  American  side."  To  this  the  other 
sarcastically  replied,  "  You  must  have  the  glory  of  a  suc 
cessful  fight  before  you  can  view  the  cataract  in  all  its 
grandeur,"  meaning  from  the  Canada  shore.  Scott  re- 


1  According  to  General  Dearborn's  Letter  to  the  Secretary  at  War, 
the  American  loss  was  17  killed  and  45  wounded ;  British  loss,  90  killed, 
160  wounded,  and  100  prisoners — 4  Niles,  239. 

a  Armstrong's  Notices,  vol.  1,  Appendix. 


MAGNANIMITY  UNITED  WITH  HEROISM.  83 

joined,  "  If  it  be  your  intention  to  insult  me,  sir,  honor 
should  have  prompted  you  first  to  return  me  my  sword  !" 
General  Sheaffe  promptly  rebuked  the  British  colonel,  and 
the  matter  was  dropped. 

At  the  battle  of  Fort  George,  among  the  earliest  prisoners 
taken  by  the  Americans  was  the  same  British  colonel,  badly 
wounded.  Scott  politely  borrowed  the  prisoner's  horse, 
not  being  able  to  bring  his  own  in  the  boats,  and  gave 
orders  that  the  prisoner  should  be  treated  with  all  possible 
attention  and  kindness.  That  evening,  after  the  pursuit, 
and  as  often  as  subsequent  events  permitted,  Scott  call 
ed  on  the  British  colonel.  He  returned  him  the  horse, 
and  carefully  provided  for  all  his  wants.  Indeed,  he  ob 
tained  permission  for  him  to  return  to  England  on  his  pa 
role,  at  a  time  when  the  belligerents  had  begun  to  refuse  v 
such  favors,  as  well  as  all  exchanges.  At  the  first  of  these 
visits  the  prisoner  delicately  remarked,  "  I  have  long  owed 
you  an  apology,  sir.  You  have  overwhelmed  me  with 
kindnesses.  You  can  now,  at  your  leisure,  view  the  Falls 
in  all  their  glory." 

It  is  such  acts  of  magnanimity  as  these  which  reflect 
honor  on  human  nature.  Were  they  more  frequent,  the 
rough  brow  of  war  would  be  smoothed  to  smiles,  and  the 
field  of  battle  be  as  remarkable  for  the  beautiful  in  char 
acter  as  for  the  glorious  in  action. 


84  ATTACK  ON  SACKETTS  HARBOR. 


CHAPTER   VII. 

1813. 

British  attack  on  Sacketts  Harbor. — Capture  of  Chandler  and  Winder. — 
Surrender  of  Boerstler. — Scott's  Promotion. — Plan  of  the  Campaign. — 
Scott  at  Fort  George. — His  departure  for  the  St.  Lawrence. — He  com 
mands  the  advance  in  the  descent  of  the  St.  Lawrence. — Retreat  of 
the  army. — Reflections  on  the  Campaign, 


Two  days  after  the  capture  of  Fort  George  by  the 
American  forces,  a  body  of  British  troops,1  under  the  com 
mand  of  Sir  George  Prevost,  (Governor-General  of  Can 
ada,)  landed  at  Sacketts  Harbor,  N.  Y.,  for  the  purpose 
of  destroying  the  naval  stores  there  collected,  and  the  new 
ship  General  Pike,  then  on  the  stocks.2  They  were  fortu 
nately  delayed  in  crossing  the  lake,  by  baffling  winds,  till 
a  body  of  militia  could  be  collected  to  reinforce  the  small 
regular  force  there  stationed.  This  corps  was  commanded 
by  a  leader  alike  sagacious  and  intrepid,  who,  like  Cincin- 
natus,  was  found  at  the  plough.3  This  leader  was  General 
Jacob  Brown,  who  soon  disposed  of  his  troops  to  the  best 
advantage,  and  in  the  action  which  ensued,  drove  the  enemy 
back  to  their  ships,  thus  saving  the  port  and  the  stores.4 

To  the  successful  actions  of  York,  of  Fort  George,  and 
of  Sacketts  Harbor,  there  were  soon  added  others  of  a 
less  fortunate  result,  and  a  less  pleasant  hue.  On  the  6th 

1  About  900  men.     See  Brown's  Letter,  4  Niles,  241. 

'  Bayne's  Official  Report.     See  Armstrong's  Notices,  143. 

1  Armstrong's  Notices.  *  Brown's  Report. 


TWO  DISASTROUS  EXPEDITIONS.  85 

of  June,  a  small  brigade1  of  American  troops,  under  the 
command  of  General  Winder,  had  been  thrown  forward 
to  Stony  Creek,  and  there  reinforced  by  another  corps 
under  Chandler.  Their  object  was  the  pursuit  and  cap 
ture  of  the  British  corps  who  had  retreated  from  Fort 
George,  under  the  command  of  Vincent.  This  officer 
thought  it  better  to  risk  a  battle  than  to  give  up  his  posi 
tion.  He  preferred  also  to  make  the  attack.  Accordingly, 
on  the  morning  of  the  6th,  by  night,  a  British  column  was 
pushed  into  the  centre  of  the  American  line,  which  Vin 
cent  had  discovered  to  be  weakened  by  extension,  and 
liable  to  surprise,  by  the  negligence  of  camp  guards.2  The 
attack  succeeded  so  far  as  to  break  the  American  line, 
and  by  a  strange  misfortune,  both  of  the  American  gen 
erals,  Winder  and  Chandler,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
British.  The  enemy  was  at  length  repelled,  but  the 
army  being  without  an  experienced  commander,  retreat 
ed  by  the  advice  of  a  council  of  war.3 

A  few  days  after  this  adventure,  another  incident  still 
more  disastrous  occurred.  Colonel  Boerstler  had  been 
detached,  with  a  corps  of  six  hundred  men,  to  take  the 
British  post  called  the  Stone  House,  two  miles  beyond  the 
Beaver  Dams,  and  seventeen  from  Fort  George.  The 
British  force  was  larger  than  was  supposed.  Boerstler 
was  suffered  to  advance  without  annoyance,  till  at  length 
he  was  surrounded  and  compelled  to  surrender  on  the 
24th  of  June.4 

During  this  time,  and  for  more  than  three  months,  the 


1  About  800  men. — Armstrong's  Notices. 

2  Armstrong's  Notices.  3  Idem. 
4  Boerstler's  Letter,  4  Niles's  Register,  353. 

6* 


86  SKIRMISHES. DESCENT  UPON  YORK. 

main  body  of  the  army  remained  for  the  most  part  inactive, 
and  intrenched  at  Fort  George,  under  the  command  succes 
sively  of  Generals  Dearborn,  Lewis,  Boyd,  and  Wilkinson. 
Colonel  Scott  was  in  neither  of  the  engagements  above 
narrated.  His  duty  was  in  foraging  at  least  twice  a  week, 
and  in  other  camp  duties.  In  these  excursions,  repeated 
skirmishes  with  small  parties  of  the  enemy  occurred.  Not 
a  load  of  forage  was  cut  between  the  hostile  camps  with 
out  a  sharp  combat,  and  he  never  lost  one.  In  these  af 
fairs  he  displayed  his  usual  tact  and  gallantry,  though  they 
afforded  no  other  opportunities  of  distinction  than  those 
which  belong  to  an  active  and  successful  partisan  officer. 
In  July  of  the  same  year,  (1813,)  Col.  Scott  was  pro 
moted  to  the  command  of  a  double  regiment,  (20  compa 
nies,)  at  which  time  he  resigned  the  office  of  Adjutant- 
General,  as  it  no  longer  conferred  additional  rank.  In 
September  an  expedition  was  proposed  against  Burlington 
Heights,  at  the  head  of  Lake  Ontario,  reported  to  be  the 
depot  of  a  large  quantity  of  provisions  and  other  British 
stores.  In  this  expedition  he  volunteered  to  command  the 
land  troops,  and  was  taken  on  board  the  fleet  by  Commo 
dore  Chauncey.  Burlington  Heights  were  visited,  but 
neither  enemy  nor  stores  were  found  there.  On  the  re 
turn,  it  was  determined  to  make  a  descent  upon  York, 
(now  Toronto.)  Accordingly,  a  landing  of  the  soldiers 
and  marines  was  effected,  under  the  command  of  Colonel 
Scott.  The  barracks  and  public  storehouses  were  burnt. 
Large  depots  of  provisions  and  clothing  were  taken,  to 
gether  with  eleven  armed  boats,  and  a  considerable  quan 
tity  of  ammunition,  and  several  pieces  of  cannon.1 


1  4  Niles's  Register,  387. 


PLAN  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OP  1813.  87 

At  the  close  of  this  summer  a  plan  of  campaign1  was  de 
vised,  having  for  its  first  object  Kingston,  and  then  Mont 
real.  Kingston  was  deemed  the  most  important  British 
post  on  the  Lakes,  and  Montreal  was  the  chief  trading 
town  of  Lower  Canada.  Had  this  plan  been  success 
fully  carried  out,  it  must  have  resulted  in  the  substan 
tial  conquest  of  both  the  Canadas.  Canada  West  would 
have  been  cut  off  from  its  military  supplies,  and  the  fall  of 
Montreal  would  have  determined  the  possession  of  Lower 
Canada,  with  the  exception  of  Quebec.2 

To  accomplish  this  plan  of  the  campaign,  the  troops 
under  General  Wilkinson  were  ordered  to  concentrate  at 
Sacketts  Harbor,  in  the  early  part  of  October.3  With  him 
was  ordered  to  co-operate  the  division  of  Major-General 
Hampton,  from  the  Chateaugue  River,  in  Northern  New 
York.  Accordingly,  Wilkinson  embarked  with  the  Niag 
ara  army  on  the  2d  of  October.  In  accordance  with  the 
same  plan,  Fort  George  was  retained  and  garrisoned.  Col. 
Scott  was  left  as  its  commander,  having  .between  seven 
and  eight  hundred  regulars,  and  a  part  of  Col.  Swift's  re 
giment  of  militia,  to  complete  and  defend  Fort  George — 
the  key  of  the  peninsula.  This  work  the  Americans, 
after  its  capture,  undertook  to  enlarge  and  reconstruct.  A 
new  trace  was  made  by  Captain  (now  Colonel)  Totten,  of 
the  engineers,  but  was  by  no  means  filled  out  when  Wil 
kinson  sailed  in  Chauncey's  fleet.  One  of  the  faces  of  the 
work  remained  open.  There  was  consequently  no  impe 
diment  on  that  side  between  the  American  and  the  British 
army.  This  fort  had  been  taken,  as  we  have  said,  by 


1  Plan  of  the  Campaign — Appendix  to  Armstrong's  Notices. 

2  Armstrong's  Plan  of  the  Campaign.  8  Idem. 


88      MEASURES  TO  DEFEND  THE  POST  OF  HONOR. 

Scott  himself,  the  British  colors  being  taken  down  by  his 
own  hands.  He  was,  therefore,  proud  of  the  capture,  and 
determined  to  defend  it  as  the  post  of  honor.  He  lost  not 
a  moment  nor  an  effort  in  completing  the  defences  of  the 
fort.  Expecting  an  assault  at  any  moment,  all  hands,  in 
cluding  the  commander,  worked  night  and  day.  A  week 
accomplished  much,  at  the  end  of  which,  (October  9th,) 
the  enemy,  contrary  to  all  expectations,  broke  up  his  camp 
and  followed  Wilkinson  down  the  country. 

This  event  had  been  anticipated,  but  was  supposed  to 
be  a  distant  contingency.  On  the  happening  of  it,  Col. 
Scott  was  authorized,  by  his  instructions,  to  place  Fort 
George  under  the  command  of  Brigadier-General  Mc- 
Clure,  of  the  New  York  militia,  who  then  commanded  on 
the  American  side  of  the  Niagara.  Hd  was  then,  with 
the  regulars,  to  overtake  and  join  Wilkinson  in  time  for 
his  intended  conquests  on  the  St.  Lawrence.  For  this 
purpose  it  was  promised  that  the  fleet  should  be  sent  up  to 
receive  the  regular  garrison  at  the  mouth  of  the  Niagara. 

Two  official  reports  of  Col.  Scott,  at  this  time,  will 
show  the  operations  of  the  corps  under  his  command,  and 
his  movement  from  Fort  George. 

From  Colonel  Winfield  Scott,  of  the  2d  artillery,  to  Ma 
jor- General  Wilkinson. 

FORT  GEORGE,  Oct.  llth,  1813. 

"Within  the  last  five  minutes  I  have  had  the  honor  to 
receive  your  dispatch  by  the  Lady  of  the  Lake,  Captain 
Mix. 

The  enemy  has  treated  me  with  neglect.  He  contin 
ued  in  his  old  position  until  Saturday  last,  (the  9th  inst.,) 
when  he  took  up  his  retreat  on  Burlington  Heights,  and 


RUMORS  OF  THE  DEFEAT  OF  PROCTOR.  89 

has  abandoned  the  whole  peninsula.  Two  causes  are  as 
signed  for  this  precipitate  movement — the  succor  of  Proc 
tor,  who  is  reported  to  be  entirely  defeated,  if  not  taken ; 
the  other,  the  safety  of  Kingston,  endangered  by  your 
movement. 

We  have  had  from  the  enemy  many  deserters,  most  of 
whom  concur  in  the  latter  supposition. 

The  British  burnt  every  thing  in  store  in  this  neighbor 
hood  ; — three  thousand  blankets,  many  hundredi  stand  of 
arms  ;  also  the  blankets  in  the  men's  packs,  and  every 
article  of  clothing  not  in  actual  use. 

They  are  supposed  to  have  reached  Burlington  Heights 
last  evening,  from  the  rate  of  their  march  the  night  be 
fore.  I  have  information  of  their  having  passed  '  the  40'1 
by  several  inhabitants  who  have  come  down.  They  add 
to  what  was  stated  by  the  deserters,  that  two  officers  of 
the  41st  had  joined  General  Vincent  from  Proctor's 
army,  with  information  that  Proctor  was  defeated  eighteen 
miles  this  side  of  Maiden.  I  cannot  get  particulars. 

From  the  same  sources  of  intelligence  it  appears,  that 
the  49th,  a  part  of  the  100th,  and  the  Voltigeurs,  moved 
from  this  neighborhood  the  day  after  our  flotilla  left  this, 
the  3d  inst. ;  but  with  what  destination  is  not  certainly 
known. 

It  was  first  reported  (I  mean  in  the  British  camp)  that 
these  regiments  had  marched  to  support  Proctor,  who,  it 
is  said,  wrote  that  he  would  be  compelled  to  surrender,  if 
not  supported.2 

1  Forty  Mile  Creek — that  distance  from  Niagara. 

2  Proctor  was  defeated,  and  the  British  and  Indian  force  in  the  north 
west  routed,  on  the  5th  of  October,  1813. 

The  rumor  which  Scott  speaks  of  was  six  days  after  the  event,  and 


90  INACTIVITY  INSUPPORTABLE  TO  A  SOLDIER. 

I  am  pretty  sure,  however,  that  they  are  gone  below 
The  movement  of  our  army  below  seems  to  have  been 
known  in  the  British  lines  as  early  as  the  3d  inst.,  together 
with  the  immediate  objects  in  view :  hence,  I  have  no 
difficulty  in  concluding,  that  all  the  movements  of  the 
enemy  will  concentrate  at  Kingston. 

*  *  *  *  I  had  made  this  morning  an  arrangement,  on 
application  to  General  McClure  to  be  relieved  in  the 
command  of  this  post,  on  the  morning  of  the  13th  inst., 
with  an  intention  of  taking  up  my  line  of  march  for 
Sacketts  Harbor,  according  to  the  discretion  allowed  me 
in  the  instructions  I  had  the  honor  to  receive  from  you  at 
this  place.  My  situation  has  become  truly  insupportable, 
without  the  possibility  of  an  attack  at  this  post,  and  with 
out  the  possibility  of  reaching  you  time  enough  to  share 
in  the  glory  of  impending  operations  below.  I  am  never 
theless  flattered  with  the  assurance  that  transports  will  be 
forwarded  for  my  removal ;  and  to  favor  that  impression, 
I  propose  taking  up  my  line  of  march  on  the  morning  of 
the  13th  for  the  mouth  of  Genesee  River,  and  there 
await  the  arrival  of  the  vessels  you  are  good  enough  to 
promise  me.  By  this  movement  Captain  Mix  thinks 
with  me,  that  I  shall  hasten  my  arrival  at  Sacketts  Har 
bor  five,  possibly  ten,  days.  Captain  Camp1  (the  quarter 
master)  has  a  sufficient  number  of  wagons  to  take  me 
thither.  I  ^Cui  easily  make  that  place  by  the  evening  of 
the  15th.  I  hope  I  shall  have  your  approbation,  and 


was  no  doubt  brought  in  either  by  officers  or  Indians  from  the  defeated 
army. 

1  Col.  J.  G.  Camp,  (now  marshal  of  Florida,)  a  distinguished  officer  in 
the  campaign  of  1814,  on  the  Niagara. 


SCOTT'S  REPORT  TO  THE  SECRETARY  OF  WAR.    91 


every  thing  is  arranged  with  Brigadier  Me C lure.  * 
*****  j  have,  by  working  night  and  day,  greatly  im 
proved  the  defences  of  this  post,  and  nearly  filled  up  the 
idea  of  the  engineer.     I  flatter  myself  that  I  have  also 
improved  the  garrison  in  discipline."  *  *  *  * 

At  the  close  of  December,  1813,  after  Wilkinson's 
campaign  on  the  St.  Lawrence  was  ended,  Colonel  Scott 
was  three  days  in  Washington,  when  he  addressed  a  letter 
to  the  Secretary  of  War,  of  which  the  following  extracts 
relate  to  his  march  from  Fort  George  : 

Extracts  of  a  Letter  from  Colonel  Winfield  Scott  to  the 
Secretary  of  War. 

GEORGETOWN,  December  31, 1813. 

"  At  your  desire,  I  have  the  honor  to  make  the  following 
report: — I  left  Fort  George,  on  the  13th  of  October  last, 
by  order  of  Major-General  Wilkinson,  with  the  whole  of 
the  regular  troop  of  the  garrison,  and  was  relieved  by 
Brigadier-General  McClure,  with  a  body  of  the  New 
York  detached  militia. 

Fort  George,  as  a  field-work,  might  be  considered  as 
complete  at  that  period.  It  was  garnished  with  ten  pieces 
of  artillery,  (which  number  might  easily  have  been  in 
creased  from  the  spare  ordnance  of  the  opposite  fort,)  and 
with  an  ample  supply  of  field  ammunition,  &c.,  as  the 
enclosed  receipt  for  those  articles  will  exhibit. 

Fort  Niagara,  on  the  14th  of  October,  was  under  the 
immediate  command  of  Captain  Leonard  of  the  1st  artil 
lery,  who,  besides  his  own  company,  had  Captain  Read's 
of  the  same  regiment,  together  with  such  of  General 
McClure's  brigade  as  had  refused  to  cross  the  river. 


92         THE  MARCH  TO  SACKETTS  HARBOR. 

Lieutenant-Colonels  Fleming,  Bloom,  and  Dobbins,  of 
the  militia,  had  successively  been  in  command  of  this 
fort,  by  order  of  the  Brigadier-General,  but  I  think  neither 
of  these  was  present  at  the  above  period.  Major-General 
Wilkinson,  in  his  order  to  me  for  the  removal  of  the  reg 
ular  troops  on  that  frontier,  excepted  the  two  companies 
of  the  1st  artillery,  then  at  Fort  Niagara.  And  under  the 
supposition  that  I  should  meet  water  transportation  for 
my  detachment  at  the  mouth  of  Genesee  River,  I  had 
his  orders  to  take  with  me  the  whole  of  the  convalescents 
left  in  the  different  hospitals  by  the  regiments  which  had 
accompanied  him.  This  order  I  complied  with."1 

It  will  be  observed  from  the  above  documents,  that 
Scott  expected  to  embark  at  the  mouth  of  Genesee 
River,  where  Wilkinson  was  to  provide  means  for  his 
embarcation.  On  his  arrival  at  that  place,  the  same  dis 
patch-vessel,  the  Lady  of  the  Lake,  again  came  to 
Colonel  Scott  with  letters,  informing  him  that  Commo 
dore  Chauncey  was  indeed  ready  to  redeem  his  part  of 
the  promise,  and  desirous  of  meeting  him  there  ;  but  that 
General  Wilkinson  solemnly  protested  against  the  ab 
sence  of  the  fleet,  even  for  four  days,  and  hence  Scott 
had  no  alternative  but  a  long  march  upon  Sacketts  Harbor, 
by  the  way  of  Rochester,2  Canandaigua,  and  Utica.  It 
rained  incessantly,  and  the  roads,  at  that  time  nowhere 
good,  were  never  worse.  North  of  Utica,  Scott  met 
General  Armstrong,  then  Secretary  of  War,  who  per- 


1  American  State  Papers — Military  Affairs,  vol.  i.  pp.  482-3. 
1  The  city  of  Rochester  had  then  no  existence.     It  has  grown  up  since 
the  war. 


SCOTT  CAPTURES  FORT  MATILDA.  93 

mitted  him  to  leave  his  column  under  the  command  of 
Major  Hindman,  the  next  in  rank,  and  singly  to  join  the 
army  on  the  St.  Lawrence,  at  whatever  point  he  could. 
This  he  accomplished,  through  mud  and  rain,  the  evening 
of  the  6th  of  November,  near  Ogdensburg.  Wilkinson 
was  then  just  about  to  pass  the  heavy  fort  (Welling 
ton)  opposite,  the  fire  of  which  Scott  had  the  honor  to 
receive  in  the  leading  and  largest  boat  of  the  American 
flotilla. 

The  following  day  he  was  appointed  to  the  command 
of  a  fine  battalion,  in  the  corps  d' elite,  under  Colonel 
Macomb.  In  the  descent  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  he  com 
manded  the  advance-guard  of  the  army ;  hence  he  was 
not  present  at  the  action  of  the  llth  of  November,  at 
Chrysler's  Farm,  fifteen  miles  in  the  rear. 

At  the  moment  of  that  battle,  Scott,  with  seven  hun 
dred  men,  was  engaged  with  Colonel  Dennis  and  an  equal 
force,  in  passing  Hoophole  Creek,  just  above  Cornwall. 
He  effected  the  passage  under  the  fire  of  the  British 
force,  routed  them,  captured  many  prisoners,  and  pur 
sued  the  fugitives  till  night. 

Being  always  in  advance,  he  had  the  day  before  landed 
near  Fort  Matilda,  which  commanded  the  narrowest  point 
on  the  whole  length  of  the  St.  Lawrence.  There  he  had 
a  sharp  encounter  with  the  enemy,  took  an  officer  and 
some  men  prisoners,  and  gained  possession  of  the  fort. 

At  commencing  the  descent  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  Wil 
kinson  had  proclaimed  that  he  came  to  "  conquer,"1  but 


1  Wilkinson's  Proclamation  of  the  6th  November  says,  that  the  army 
of  the  United  States  "  invades  these  provinces  to  conquer,  and  not  to  de 
stroy." 


94  WILKINSON  ORDERS  A  RETREAT. 

the  indecisive  action  of  "  Chrysler's  Farm,"  in  which  a 
portion  only  of  the  army  was  engaged,1  was  the  only 
event  connected  with  the  general  movement  of  the  expe 
dition  which  looked  like  a  resolute  determination,  or  a 
positive  energy,  towards  decisive  action.  Even  in  that 
action  the  troops  were  limited,  by  the  orders  of  the  com- 
mander-in-chief,  to  defensive  operations.2  It  was,  there 
fore,  attended  with  no  important  results. 

On  the  following  day,  the  12th  of  November,  a  retreat 
commenced.  The  army,  and  when  it  was  promulgated, 
the  nation,  heard  with  astonishment,  that  the  expedition 
down  the  St.  Lawrence  for  the  conquest  of  Canada  was 
abandoned  !3  This  took  place  when  Scott  with  the  ad 
vanced  guard  was  fifteen  miles  in  advance  of  the  parties 
engaged  on  Chrysler's  Field  ;  when  there  was  no  body  of 
British  troops  .between  Scott  and  Montreal  which  could 
have  arrested  his  march  six  hours  ;  and  when,  finally, 
Montreal  itself  contained  no  garrison  sufficient  to  have 
obstructed  his  entry  !4 

1  The  official  report  of  the  battle  of  Chrysler's  Field  says,  that  Wil 
kinson  gave  directions,  by  that  distinguished  officer,  Colonel  Swift  of  the 
engineers,  to  Brigadier-General  Boyd,  to  throw  "  his  own,  Covington's, 
and  Swartwout's  brigades,  into  three  columns,  to  march  upon  the  enemy." 
His  force  (about  seventeen  hundred  men)  were  engaged.  The  British 
had  about  the  same  force.  The  Americans  accomplished  their  object, 
which  was  by  their  orders  to  "  beat  back  an  attack." 

a  Testimony  of  General  Boyd  on  Wilkinson's  Trial — Armstrong,  vol. 
ii.  p.  16. 

3  In  his  Order  (13th  November)  he  tells  the  army  it  "  is  not  aban 
doned." 

4  In  Wilkinson's  Letter  of  the  15th  November,  (Niles's  Register,  vol.  y. 
p.  234,)  he  says,  that  he  had  ascertained,  that,  on  the  4th  of  November, 
the  British  troops  in  Montreal  were  but  four  hundred  marines  and  two 
hundred  sailors,  which  had  been  sent  up  from  Quebec. 


DISAPPOINTMENT  OF  THE  NATION.  95 

This  cruel  disappointment  to  the  army  and  the  nation, 
was  brought  about  by  the  refusal  of  General  Hampton  to 
join  Wilkinson  at  St.  Regis,  as  he  himself  declared,  for 
fear  of  a  want  of  provisions  and  forage  ;*  and  by  the  re 
fusal  of  General  Wilkinson  to  descend  the  St.  Lawrence 
further,  as  he  said,  because  Hampton  had  refused  to  join 
him  with  his  division.2  However  satisfactory  these 
reasons  may  have  been  to  the  respective  commanders, 
they  were  entirely  otherwise  to  the  American  nation. 
The  northern  frontier,  from  which  so  much  had  been 
expected,  was  regarded  with  mingled  feelings  of  shame 
and  regret. 

The  army  which  had  departed  but  six  days  before  from 
Ogdensburg,  numerous  in  array  and  well-appointed  in 
equipment,  retreated,  the  day  after  the  action  of  Chrys 
ler's  Field,  to  winter-quarters,  and  took  up  its  position  on 
Salmon  River,  at  French  Mills.  On  this  spot  is  now  a 
village,  called  after  the  gallant  general  mortally  wounded 
at  Chrysler's  Field,  and  whose  remains  were  buried 
there — Fort  Covington. 

In  the  movements  of  armies,  as  in  the  policy  of  nations, 
no  degree  of  individual  virtue,  courage,  or  effort,  will 
supply  the  want  of  skill  and  energy  in  the  directing 
minds.  In  the  plan  of  this  campaign  there  was  no  want 
of  foresight  or  sagacity.  The  capture  of  Kingston,  the 
main  point  in  the  plan,3  would  have  destroyed  the  strong 
est  point  of  defence,  and  depot  of  stores,  on  the  line  of 

1  Hampton's  Letter  of  the  8th  of  November.     He  says,  he  "  hopes  to 
prevent"  Wilkinson's  starving !  5  Niles,  235. 

2  Wilkinson's  General  Order  of  the  13th  of  November,  5  Niles,  232. 

3  Armstrong's  Notices,  Plan  of  the  Campaign,  vol.  ii.  pp.  188-189 ; 
also  vol.  ii.  Appendix,  No.  11. 


96  THE  ADVANTAGES  OP  ADVERSITY. 

the  St.  Lawrence  and  the  lakes,  from  Quebec  to  Detroit. 
Montreal  would  then  have  fallen  at  any  moment  the 
American  commander  chose. 

In  the  departure  from  the  first  object,  and  deciding 
on  a  descent  on  Montreal,  there  was  yet  an  important, 
and,  in  the  event  of  success,  probably  decisive  move 
ment  to  be  accomplished.  The  fall  of  Montreal  would 
have  given  the  Americans  the  command  of  the  heart  of 
the  Canadas,  and  with  the  comparatively  small  regular 
force  of  the  British,  they  would  have  kept  it,  and  com 
manded  the  line  of  the  St.  Lawrence.1 

Such  was  not,  however,  to  be  the  result.  There  was 
enough  of  individual  valor,  of  skill,  of  daring,  and  of 
enterprise,  to  have  secured  success  to  a  competent  com 
mander,  or  victory  to  the  boldness  of  an  ardent  leader. 
But,  by  a  series  of  unnecessary  delays  and  inexplicable 
blunders  on  the  part  of  chiefs,  these  noble  gifts  of  infe 
riors  were  rendered  useless  to  their  country  and  unavail 
able  to  themselves. 

Amidst  the  disasters  of  the  campaign  there  was  one 
benefit.  The  touchstone  of  experience  had  been  applied 
to  the  temper  of  the  army,  and  it  was  now  easy  to  select 
the  pure  metal  from  the  dross.  It  was  a  hard  school  of 
adversity  ;  but  many  brave  and  highly  gifted  young  men 
were  trained  by  its  teachings  to  become  accomplished 
and  efficient  officers.  On  the  other  hand,  it  detected  the 
emptiness  and  unfitness  of  many  a  fop,  both  young  and 

1  The  plan  of  the  Secretary  at  War,  as  shown  by  the  official  corre 
spondence,  appears  to  have  been  that  stated  in  the  text.  It  seems, 
however,  that  General  Wilkinson  differed  from  the  secretary  in  opinion, 
and  finally  adopted  his  own  scheme,  which  was  the  descent  of  the  St. 
Lawrence,  as  he  attempted  it. 


THE   SPIRITS  OF  THE   STORM.  97 

old,  who  had  been  seduced  into  the  service  by  the  glitter 
of  uniform  and  the  pomp  of  military  parade.  They  were 
made  to  learn  and  feel  their  incompetency  to  endure  the 
duties  or  the  frowns  of  war.  An  elegant  writer1  has  well 
remarked,  that  the  rude  winter  gales  of  Canada  swept 
from  our  ranks  the  painted  insects,  which  were  fit  only  to 
spread  their  glittering  wings  in  the  summer  sun  ;  but,  at 
the  same  time,  roused  and  invigorated  the  eagle-spirits, 
who  during  the  calm  cower  in  solitude  and  silence,  but, 
as  the  tempest  rises,  come  forth  from  obscurity  to  stem 
the  storm,  and  sport  themselves  in  the  gale. 


1  Substantially  quoted   from  a  Biography  of  Scott  in  the  Analectic 
Magazine. 

7 


PLAN  OF  THE 
BATTLE  OF  CHIPPEWA: 

position  of  the  troops 
at  the  charge. 


SCOTT  SPENDS  THE  WINTER  AT  ALBANY.  99 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

1814. 

Formation  of  the  Camp  of  Instruction  at  Buffalo. — Opening  of  the  Cam 
paign. — Passage  of  the  Niagara. — Skirmish  with  the  Marquis  of  Tweedale. 
— Position  of  the  Armies. — Battle  of  Chippewa. — Its  Consequences. 
— British  Views. 

THE  campaign  of  1813  closed  in  disaster  and  disgrace. 
The  hopes  of  the  nation,  which  had  been  excited  by  the 
brilliant  achievements  with  which  it  opened,  sank  to 
despair,  when  the  army,  after  sustaining  a  partial  defeat, 
made  an  abrupt  and  hasty  retreat.  The  military  spirit 
of  the  army  was  lost.  New  levies  of  troops  were  to  be 
made,  and  the  spirit  of  daring,  of  confidence,  and  energy, 
was  to  be  created  before  they  could  take  tfye  field. 

To  accomplish  these  objects,  Colonel  Scott  passed  a 
part  of  the  winter,  subsequent  to  the  events  on  the  St. 
Lawrence,  at  Albany.  There  he  was  engaged  in  pre 
paring  the  materiel  for  the  next  campaign,  and,  by  in 
structions  from  the  president,  in  arranging  high  politico- 
military  questions,  with  the  patriotic  Governor  Tompkins. 
The  time  for  the  disclosure  of  the  details  of  these  con 
sultations,  has,  perhaps,  not  arrived. 

On  the  9th  of  March,  1814,  Colonel  Scott  was  pro 
moted  to  the  rank  of  Brigadier-General,  and  immediately 
joined  Major-General  Brown,  then  marching  with  the 
army  from  the  French  Mills  towards  the  Niagara  frontier. 

On  the  24th  inst.,  General  Brown  set  out  for  Sacketts 
Harbor,  expressly  for  the  purpose,  as  he  said,  of  leaving 


THE  NIAGARA  ARMY  OF  1814 

it  to  Scott  to  establish  a  camp  of  instruction,  and  to  pre 
pare  the  troops,  as  they  arrived,  for  opening  the  cam 
paign. 

The  army  was  rapidly  assembled  at  Buffalo.  It  con 
sisted  at  that  time  of  Scott's  brigade,  Ripley's  brigade, 
Hindman's  battalion  of  artillery,  (all  regulars,)  and  Por 
ter's  brigade  of  militia. 

Scott's  brigade  consisted  of  the  battalions  of  the  9th, 
the  llth,  and  the  25th  regiments  of  infantry,  with  a  de 
tachment  of  the  22d,  and  Towson's  company  of  artillery.1 
The  brigade  of  General  Ripley  was  composed  of  the  1st, 
21st,  and  23d  infantry.  Porter's  command  was  com 
posed  of  bodies  known  as  Canadian  Volunteers,  New 
York  Volunteers,  and  Pennsylvania  Volunteers.2  The 
signal  services  rendered  by  these  troops  at  a  subsequent 
period,  and  the  glory  which  they  won  for  their  country  on 
hard-fought  battle-fields,  renders  it  proper  that  we  should 
record  and  remember  names  so  justly  distinguished  in 
history. 

These  troops  were  placed  in  the  camp  of  instruction  at 
Buffalo,  where  for  more  than  three  months  they  were 
drilled  in  all  the  evolutions  and  tactics  necessary  to  give 
them  the  most  accurate  and  thorough  discipline.  The 
modern  French  system  was  adopted.  All  the  officers, 
without  regard  to  rank,  were  first  rigorously  drilled  by 
the  commanding  general,  in  small  squads.  These  officers 
then  instructed  the  rank  and  file  in  squads,  under  his  eye. 
Companies  were  next  formed,  and  subjected  to  the  same 
process  ;  then  battalions  ;  and,  finally,  these  again  were 


1  6  Niles's  Register,  336.     General  Brown's  Letter. 
9  6  Niles,  435.     Adjutant-General's  Report. 


THE  CAMP  OF  INSTRUCTION.  161 

instructed  by  General  Scott  in  person.  When  these  de 
tails  were  all  learned,  the  troops  were  carried  by  him 
through  the  evolutions  of  the  line,  (the  movement  of 
armies,)  with  the  same  strict  attention  to  science  and 
the  wants  of  the  field.  The  effect  of  this  discipline  was 
remarkable,  and  the  results  were  fully  displayed  on  the 
fields  of  Chippewa  and  Niagara. 

In  the  camp  of  instruction  at  Buffalo  the  army,  from 
constant  drill,  acquired  its  organization,  exact  discipline, 
and  habits  of  hardihood,  and  of  cheerful  obedience.  Offi 
cers  and  men  were  taught  the  proper  distribution  of  du 
ties  between  each  other,  between  the  different  corps,  and 
the  different  services.  From  the  formation  of  a  column 
of  attack  to  the  presentation  of  a  salute,  and  from  the 
movement  in  echelon  to  the  exchange  of  the  minutest 
courtesies,1  they  learned  alike  the  substance  and  the 
form  of  those  duties  of  the  camp  and  the  field,  which  are 
developed  in  the  array  and  the  action  of  war. 

The  value  of  discipline,  of  obedience,  and  of  personal 
skill  in  their  business,  thus  acquired  by  the  troops  of  an 
army,  cannot  be  over-estimated.  For  want  of  it,  the  brave 
and  gallant  (but  undisciplined)  volunteers  of  patriot  armies 
have  been  scattered  and  driven  by  veteran  soldiers  fight- 


1  The  trifles  of  courtesy  are  not  unimportant  in  either  military  or  civil 
life.  If  they  are  but  form,  they  are  notwithstanding,  like  language,  the 
expression  of  a  substance.  Of  Scott's  observance  of  these,  at  Buffalo,  we 
have  been  told  the  following  anecdote.  He  observed  a  captain  pass  a 
sentinel  posted.  The  sentinel  saluted  him  by  carrying  arms,  .making  the 
musket  ring  with  the  action.  The  captain  passed  without  acknowledging 
the  salute  of  the  soldier.  General  Scott  sent  an  aid  to  him  to  say,  that 
he  (the  captain)  would  take  care  to  repass  the  sentinel  in  twenty  minutes, 
and  repair  the  fault,  or  take  a  trial  before  a  court-martial. 

7* 


102  THE  ARMY  IN  MOTION. 

ing  in  a  worse  cause,  and  having  far  less  of  moral  motive 
to  sustain  them.  With  it,  the  soldiers  of  despots  have 
fought  with  invincible  firmness,  choosing  graves  where 
they  stood,  to  life  in  retreat.  The  armies  of  Suwarrow 
would  fall  in  the  ranks,  but,  without  orders,  never  re 
treat. 

The  troops  of  Great  Britain  are  well  disciplined  ;  and 
it  was  in  the  sharpest  contests  with  them  that  the  army 
of  Niagara  soon  proved  how  much  it  had  gained  in  the 
camp  of  instruction  at  Buffalo.1 

The  apparent  though  not  unprofitable  inactivity  which 
had  pervaded  the  American  army  of  the  north,  during  the 
spring  of  1814,  disappeared  before  the  rising  heat  of  the 
summer  sun.  In  the  latter  part  of  June,  General  Brown 
returned  to  Buffalo ;  and  henceforward  the  storm  of  war, 
with  its  hurried  tramp,  its  loud  clangor,  its  heroic  deeds, 
and  its  untimely  deaths,  was  heard  swift  sweeping  along 
the  shores  of  the  Niagara. 

Early  in  the  morning  of  the  3d  of  July,  Scott's  brigade, 
with  the  artillery  corps  of  Major  Hindman,2  crossed  the 

1  Like  all  other  pioneers,  both  civil  and  military,  the  officers  of  the 
army  of  1812-14  labored  under  difficulties  which  cannot  now  be  appre 
ciated.  It  is  said  that  Scott  had  but  one  copy  of  the  French  Tactics.  Of 
course  this  had  to  be  explained  to  individuals,  and  put  in  practice  suc 
cessively  on  the  ground. 

It  was  one  object  of  the  United  States  Military  Academy  at  West 
Point,  to  avoid  these  difficulties,  and  prepare  young  men  by  scientific  in 
struction  to  discipline  the  army  and  prepare  the  recruits,  when  war  came, 
for  the  services  of  war.  This  it  has  done.  The  tactics  and  science 
which  were  then  a  novelty  in  the  country,  have  now  been  diffused 
through  the  army  and  the  nation.  In  addition  to  this,  there  are  excel 
lent  and  minute  treatises  for  the  instruction  in  tactics,  prepared  for  that 
express  purpose. 

*  Buffalo  Gazette,  July  5th,  published  in  Niles's  Register,  vol.  vi.  p.  337. 


SURRENDER  OF  FORT  ERIE.  103 

river,  and  landed  below  Fort  Erie,  while  Ripley's  brigade 
landed  above.  Scott  led  the  van,  crossing  in  a  boat  with 
Colonel  Camp,  who  had  volunteered  his  services,  and  was 
on  shore  before  the  enemy's  piquet  fired  a  gun.1  Fort  Erie 
soon  surrendered,2  and  preparations3  were  immediately 
made  to  advance,  and  attack  the  army  of  General  Riall 
at  Chippewa. 

On  the  morning  of  the  4th,  Scott's  brigade,  several 
hours  in  advance,  moved  towards  Chippewa.  For  six 
teen  miles  he  had  a  running  fight  with  the  Marquis  of 
Tweedale,  who  commanded  the  British  100th  regiment, 
till  at  dusk  the  latter  was  driven  across  Chippewa  River, 
and  joined  the  main  body  of  the  British  army  under 
General  Riall.  The  Marquis  has  since  said,  that  he 
could  not  account  for  the  ardor  of  the  pursuit  until  he 
recollected  the  fact  that  it  was  the  American  great  anni 
versary. 

That  night,  Scott  took  up  a  position  above  Street's 
Creek,  two  miles  from  the  British  camp  below  Chippe 
wa.  The  interval  between  these  creeks  was  a  plain,  on 
which  was  fought  the  battle  of  Chippewa. 

The  positions  of  Riall  and  of  Scott  on  the  morning  of 
the  5th  may  be  easily  understood.  On  the  east  side  was 
the  Niagara  River,  and  near  it  the  road  to  Chippewa.  On 
the  west  was  a  heavy  wood.  Between  these,  running 
from  the  woods  to  the  river,  were  two  streams,  the  prin- 

3  6  Niles's  Register,  337. 

2  6  Niles,  337.     The  British  garrison  of  Fort  Erie  consisted  of  parts  of 
the  8th  and  100th  regiments,  under  the  command  of  Major  Burke,  of 
whom  170,  including  7  officers,  were  taken  prisoners,  and  sent  to  the 
American  side. 

3  General  Brown  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  6  Niles,  344. 


104  SKIRMISHES  OF  THE  LIGHT  TROOPS. 

cipal  of  which  was  the  Chippewa.  The  other  was  the 
small  creek  above,  called  Street's.  Behind,  and  below 
the  Chippewa,  lay  the  army  of  General  Riall,  with  a 
heavy  battery  on  one  side  and  a  blockhouse  on  the  other. 
Scott's  brigade  had  rested  for  the  night  on  and  above 
Street's  Creek.  Over  these  streams  the  road  to  Chippe 
wa  passed  on  bridges,  the  one  over  Street's  near  the 
Americans,  and  the  other  over  the  Chippewa  near  the 
British.  This  was  the  position  of  the  respective  parties 
on  the  morning  of  the  5th,1  when  General  Brown  was 
expecting  to  attack  the  British,2  and  they  in  turn  deter 
mined  to  anticipate  it,  by  a  sortie  from  the  lines  of  Chip 
pewa.  It  was  a  long  day  in  summer ;  the  earth  was 
dry  and  dusty,  and  the  sun  bright  and  hot,  when  the  best 
troops  of  Britain  and  America  met,  as  in  tournaments  of 
old,  to  test  their  skill,  their  firmness,  and  their  courage, 
on  the  banks  of  the  Niagara. 

The  day  began  with  the  skirmishes  of  light  troops. 
The  British  militia  and  Indians  occupied  the  wood  on  the 
American  left,  and  about  noon  annoyed  the  American 
piquets  placed  on  that  flank.  General  Porter,  with  vol 
unteers,  militia,  and  some  friendly  Indians  of  the  Six 
Nations,3  soon  engaged  them,  and,  after  some  skirmishing, 
drove  them  through  the  wood,  back  upon  Chippewa. 
Here  the  British  irregulars,  finding  that  their  main  army 
under  General  Riall  was  advancing,  rallied,  and  in  turn 
attacked  Porter,  compelling  his  command  to  give  way. 
In  spite  of  his  own  efforts  and  personal  gallantry,  these 


1  See  the  account  of  the  Ontario  Messenger,  republished  in  6  Niles,  403. 
3  Brown's  letter  of  July  6th,  6  Nilcs,  344. 
*  Brown's  Report,  6  Niles,  354.     ' 


THE  BRITISH  CROSS  THE  CHIPPEWA.  105 

light  troops  broke  and  fled,  at  sight  of  the  formidable 
array  of  Riall.1 

It  was  now  about  four  o'clock.  General  Brown  was 
then  in  the  wood  with  Porter ;  when  a  cloud  of  dust 
arose  towards  the  bridge  of  Chippewa,  and  a  firing  was 
heard.  This  apprized  him  that  the  British  army  was 
advancing.  At  this  very  moment,  General  Scott,  in 
ignorance  of  the  British  advance,  was  moving  his  bri 
gade  towards  the  plain,  simply  for  the  purpose  of  drill. 
Near  the  bridge  over  Street's  Creek  he  met  General 
Brown,  who  said — "  The  enemy  is  advancing.  You  will 
have  a  fight."  Beyond  this  brief  remark,  Scott  received 
no  further  orders  during  the  day.2  General  Brown  passed 
to  the  rear,  to  put  Ripley's  brigade  in  motion,  and  to  re 
assemble  the  light  troops  behind  Street's  Creek.  It  was 
not  till  he  arrived  at  the  bridge,  over  Street's  Creek,  two 
hundred  yards  to  the  right  of  his  camp  of  the  night  be 
fore,  that  Scott  saw  the  enemy.3  The  army  of  Riall  had 
crossed  the  bridge  over  Chippewa,  and  displayed  itself  on 
the  plain  before  described.  It  was  composed4  of  the 
100th  regiment,  under  Lieutenant-Colonel  the  Marquis  of 
Tweedale  ;  the  1  st  or  Royal  Scots,  under  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Gordon;  a  portion  of  the  8th  or  King's  regiment; 


1  Brown's  Report,  6  Niles,  654. 

2  Brown's  Repert  says — "  The  general  did  not  expect  to  be  gratified  so 
soon  with  afield  engagement.     He  advanced  in  a  most  prompt  and  officer- 
like  style,  and  in  a  few  minutes  was  in  close  action  upon  the  plain  with  a 
superior  force." 

3  A  fringe   of  bushes  along  the  creek,  and  a  clump  of  trees  at  the 
bridge,  shut  out  till  then  the  view  of  the  enemy. 

4  British  official  report,  by  Adjutant-General  Baynes,  found  in  6  Niles, 
402. 


106        ADVANCE  OF  THE  AMERICAN  ARMY. 

a  detachment  of  the  Royal  Artillery ;  a  detachment  of 
the  Royal  19th  Light  Dragoons  ;  and  a  portion  of  Canada 
militia  and  Indians.  The  main  body  of  these  troops  were 
among  the  best  in  the  British  army. 

This  force  was  supported  by  a  heavy  battery  of  nine 
pieces,  within  point-blank  range  of  the  American  troops. 
Under  the  fire  of  this  battery  the  corps  of  Scott  passed 
the  bridge  in  perfect  order,  but  with  some  loss.  His 
first  and  second  battalions,  under  Majors  Leavenworth 
and  M'Neil,  after  crossing,  formed  a  line  to  the  front, 
which  brought  them  opposed  respectively  to  the  left  and 
centre  of  the  enemy.  The  third  battalion  under  Major 
Jesup  obliqued  in  column  to  the  left,  and  advanced  to 
attack  the  right  of  the  enemy,  which '  extended  into  the 
wood.  Captain  Towson  with  his  artillery  was  stationed 
on  the  right,  resting  in  the  Chippewa  road.1 

General  Scott  soon  perceived  that,  although  there  were 
no  intervals  in  the  British  line,  yet  their  right  wing  out 
flanked  his  left.  To  remedy  this  difficulty  the  movement 
of  Jesup  was  caused,  and  the  interval  between  the  bat 
talions  of  Leavenworth  and  M'Neil  on  the  plain,  was 
greatly  enlarged.  These  evolutions  were  executed  rap- 
'  idly,  and  with  great  precision,  under  the  fire  of  both  mus 
ketry  and  artillery. 

The  action  soon  became  general.  Major  Jesup  now 
in  the  wood,  and  out  of  view,  engaged,  and  held  in  check 
the  enemy's  right  wing.  The  plain  widened  on  that  flank, 
and  the  enemy's  main  line  continued  to  advance.  Jes 
up  having  thus  held  in  check  one  battalion  in  the  wood, 
the  engagement  there  gave  the  enemy  a  new  right  flank 

1  See  Diagram 


THE  ORDER  TO  Al'NEII/S  BATTALION.  107 

upon  the  plain.  General  Scott,  who  had  continued  al 
ternately  to  advance,  halt,  and  fire,  was  now  not  more 
than  eighty  paces  from  the  enemy.  The  enemy  having  a 
new  flank,  Scott  took  advantage  of  the  enlarged  interval 
between  Leavenworth  and  M'Neil,  to  throw  the  left  flank 
of  M'Neil's  battalion  forward  on  its  right,  so  that  it  stood 
obliquely  to  the  enemy's  charge  and  flanking  him  a  little 
on  his  new  right.  At  this  moment  Scott  called  aloud  to 
M'Neil's  battalion,  which  had  not  a  recruit  in  it, — "The 
enemy  say,  that  we  are  good  at  long  shot,  but  cannot 
stand  the  cold  iron  !  I  call  upon  the  Eleventh  instantly 
to  give  the  lie  to  that  slander  !  Charge  !"  This  move 
ment  was  executed  with  decisive  effect.  A  correspond 
ing  charge  was  also  made  by  Leavenworth,  who  held'  an 
oblique  position  on  our  right.  These  charges  were  sus 
tained  by  the  flank  fire  of  Towson's  artillery  on  the  right, 
and  quickly  put  the  enemy  to  rout.  The  British  army 
broke,  and  fled  in  confusion. 

In  the  mean  while,  and  nearly  at  the  same  time,  Major 
Jesup,  commanding  the  left  flank  battalion,  finding  him 
self  pressed  in  front  and  flank,  ordered  his  men  to  "  sup 
port  arms  and  advance."  This  order  was  promptly 
obeyed  amidst  a  deadly  and  destructive  fire.1  Having 
gained  a  more  secure  position,  he  returned  upon  the 
enemy  so  severe  a  fire  as  caused  them  to  retire.2  Thus 
was  the  whole  British  line  fairly  routed,  in  a  field  action, 
on  an  open  plain.  They  fled  to  their  intrenchments  be 
yond  the  Chippewa,  hotly  pursued  by  Scott  to  the  dis- 


1  General  Brown's  Official  Report,  dated  July  7th,  1814,  and  contained 
in  6  Niles's  Register,  354. 
*  Brown's  Report,  6  Niles,  354. 


X 

108  MOVEMENTS  OF  THE  TROOPS. 

lance  of  half  musket-shot  of  Chippewa  Bridge.  He  took 
many  prisoners,  leaving  the  plain  behind  strewed  with 
the  dead  and  wounded  of  both  nations. 

At  this  point  the  active  and  important  part  of  the  battle 
of  Chippewa  ended,  but  we  must  recall  the  reader  to 
some  of  its  strictly  military  points,  before  we  pursue  our 
story  to  other  and  yet  bloodier  scenes.  A  charge,  in 
military  phrase,  is  said  to  be  made,  when  either  party 
stops  firing,  throws  bayonets  forward,  and  advances  to 
the  shock,  whether  the  enemy  receive  it  or  fly.  An  ac 
tual  crossing  of  bayonets,  therefore,  is  not  indispensable 
to  the  idea  of  a  charge.  To  suppose  it  is,  is  a  mistake. 
Another  popular  error  is,  that  the  parties  come  up  to  the 
shock  in  parallel  lines.  Such  a  case  has  rarely,  if  ever, 
occurred.  Each  commander  always  seeks  by  manoeu 
vring  to  gain  the  oblique  position,  and,  if  possible,  to 
outflank  his  enemy.  With  superior  force,  both  advan 
tages  may  easily  be  gained  ;  but  with  inferior  numbers 
the  difficulty  is  extreme.  The  excess  on  the  part  of  the 
enemy  can  only  be  overcome  by  celerity  of  movement, 
accuracy,  hardihood,  skill,  and  zeal. 

At  Chippewa,  Scott  from  the  first  had  been  obliged, 
in  order  to  present  to  the  enemy  an  equal  front  on  the 
plain,  to  extend  the  interval  between  the  first  and  second 
battalions  to  an  unusual  width.  Late  in  the  action,  when 
the  parties  had  approached  to  within  eighty  paces,  each 
having  several  times  halted,  fired,  and  advanced,  Scott 
suddenly  threw  his  first  battalion  a  little  forward,  oblique 
ly,  on  its  left,  and  his  second  more  forward,  obliquely, 
on  its  right.  He  at  the  same  time  caused  Towson's  bat 
tery,  on  our  extreme  right,  to  make  a  wheel  towards  the 
enemy,  now  nearly  up.  The  whole  of  the  American 


TOWSON'S  RAKING  DISCHARGE.  109 

infantry,  with  the  shout  of  assured  victory,  then  rushed 
to  the  charge  I1 

Of  course,  only  a  few  files  crossed  bayonets  at  a  time, 
and,  from  the  force  of  position,2  there  were  two  or  three 
effective  American  to  one  British  bayonet,  at  each  suc 
cessive  step.  As  the  enemy  advanced,  he  necessarily 
became  more  and  more  outflanked.  This  enabled  each 
wing  from  the  first  to  double  some  files  on  the  enemy's 
rear.  The  flanks  so  assailed  rapidly  crumbled  away. 
The  process  was  short.  In  a  few  minutes  the  whole 
British  army  broke  and  fled. 

It  is  evident,  that  in  proportion  as  the  Americans  ad 
vanced,  the  interval  in  their  line  became  less  and  less. 
Even  if  Scott  had  halted  to  receive  the  enemy,  that  in 
terval  would  not  have  been  a  weak  point,  because,  in 
that  event,  the  more  the  enemy  advanced  within  our  line, 
the  more  he  would  have  been  exposed  to  a  cross  and 
oblique  fire  from  the  right  and  left. 

When  the  enemy's  battalions,  at  the  beginning,  passed 
from  column  into  line,  a  part  of  their  artillery  became 
masked  by  that  line.  That  is,  it  could  no  longer,  in  con 
sequence  of  the  intervention  of  its  own  friends,  fire  direct 
or  over  upon  the  American  line.  Some  pieces,  however, 
continued  to  play  upon  Towson's  battery,  immediately  in 
front,  and  dismounted  one  of  his  three  guns.  Towson 
also  succeeded  in  dismounting  one  of  theirs.  His  last 
raking  discharge  to  the  left,  just  before  the  shock  of  the 
two  lines,  was  terribly  destructive. 

The  instant  that  Leavenworth  and  M'Neil's  battalions 
were  thrown  into  the  oblique  positions  seen  in  the  dia- 


1  See  Diagram.  a  Idem. 


110        THE  MOMENT  BEFORE  THE  CHARGE. 

gram  of  the  battle,  both  armies  rapidly  advancing,  Scott 
galloped  to  our  battery  on  the  right,  and  called  out  to 
Towson — "Captain,  more  to  the  left;  the  enemy  is 
there  !"  Towson,  on  foot,  and  enveloped  in  smoke,  could 
not  see  that  the  enemy's  line  had  advanced  inside  the 
range  of  his  last  discharge.  The  gallant  captain — than 
whom  no  man  in  the  army  possessed  a  greater  prowess — 
instantly  changed  the  direction  of  his  two  remaining  guns 
more  to  the  left,  and  gave  the  final  destructive  fire,  a 
second  or  two  before  the  conflict  of  bayonets  on  that 
flank. 

We  have  described  the  battle  of  Chippewa  in  its  de 
tail,  as  it  was  described  to  us  by  a  scientific  soldier.  It 
may  be  verified  by  the  curious  reader,  in  other  ways, 
both  oral  and  written,  open  to  his  inquiry.1 

When  the  action  had  just  commenced,  General  Brown 
had  hastened  to  bring  up  the  brigade  of  Ripley ;  and  for 
this  purpose  the  21st  regiment  was  detached  to  the  left, 
and  moved  to  the  support  of  Scott,  with  the  intention  of 
attacking  the  enemy's  left;  but  they  arrived  too  late. 
The  battle  was  ended.  Such  was  the  activity  of  Scott's 
movements,  and  the  impetuosity  of  his  attack,  that  the 
enemy  were  already  routed  and  pursued.2 


1  General  Brown's  official  report,  the  British  official  report  by  Adju 
tant-General    Baynes,  and   the   newspaper  accounts,  all  combined  and 
compared,  will  give  a  wry  accurate  view  of  this  battle.     In  addition, 
reference  may  easily  be  made  to  General  Worth,  General  Jesup,  and 
others  who  were  present  and  active  in  the  battle. 

2  General  Brown's  Official  Report  says,  that  the  greatest  exertions  were 
made  by  the  21st  regiment  to  gain  their  position  in  time  ;  but  in  vain; 
for  the  zeal  and  gallantry  of  the  line  commanded  by  General  Scott  was 
•uch,  that  its  advance  upon  the  enemy  was  not  to  be  checked. 


THE  PLAIN  AND  DAY  OF  CHIPPEWA.        Ill 

The  battle  of  Chippewa  was  an  exciting  and  in  some 
degree  poetic  scene.  It  was  fought  at  the  close  of  a  long, 
bright  summer's  day.  On  one  side  rolled  the  rapids  of 
the  deep  Niagara,  on  the  other  was  seen  the  verdure  of 
the  northern  forest.  The  plain  on  which  the  hostile 
forces  met  was  level  and  smooth,  as  if  prepared  for  the 
meeting  of  the  warriors  of  ancient  knighthood.  The  best 
troops  of  England  wheeled  into  it  over  Chippewa  Bridge, 
and  the  regiments  of  America,  cool  and  disciplined, 
marched  to  meet  them  in  combat.  The  sun  shone  down, 
and  brilliant  arms  flashed  in  his  beams.  Each  movement 
of  the  troops  was  distinct.  As  the  battle  deepened,  fine 
bands  of  music  mingled  their  melody,  in  sudden  bursts, 
with  the  roar  of  artillery  and  the  moans  of  the  wounded. 

The  battle  ended,  and  many  were  the  dead  upon  that 
dusty  plain,  whose  last  groans  had  expired  with  the  last 
rays  of  the  setting  sun. 

Darkness  came  on,  and  wearied  with  battle  and  thirsty 
with  heat,  each  army  retired  to  its  camp.1  The  dead 
woke  not  from  their  bloody  beds,  and  the  living  sank  to 
rest.  The  wounded  and  his  watcher,  the  sentinel  and 
the  stars,  alone  kept  the  vigils  of  the  night. 

In  the  British  official  account  of  this  battle,  the  Ameri 
can  force  is  represented  as  numerically  superior.  The  fact 
was  the  reverse.2  The  British  idea  was  founded  prob- 

1  General  Brown's  Official  Report,  6  Niles,  154. 

2  There  is  a  tolerably  accurate  mode  of  ascertainingjfcthis  fact.     The 
British  adjutant-general's  report,  dated  the  13th  July,  iflp giving  a  return 
of  the  killed  and  wounded,  enumerates  the  1st  regiment,  (Royal  Scots,) 
the  8th,  (Queen's,)  the  100th,  (Marquis  of  Tweedale's,)  a  detachment  of 
Royal  19th,  (dragoons,)  a  detachment  of  artillery,  and  a  portion  of  Canada 
militia.     These  regiments  were  not  full ;  but  there  was  one  battalion  of 
the  Scots,  and  the  8th,  and  two  of  the  100th.     Their  numbers  mav  be 


112        THE  BRITISH  FORCE  NUMERICALLY  SUPERIOR. 

ably  on  the  supposition  that  the  whole  of  General  Brown's 
army  was  engaged.  This,  we  have  seen,  was  far  from 
being  the  fact.  The  reserve  under  General  Ripley  was 
not  in  the  action,  in  any  degree.  The  detachment  of 
General  Porter,  after  the  first  skirmishes  in  advance, 
broke,  returned  to  the  rear,  and  were  not  again  engaged. 
Of  the  artillery  under  Major  Hindman,  one  company  only, 
that  of  Tow  son,  was  engaged. 

In  fact,  only  Scott's  brigade  was  engaged  in  the  main 
battle.  This  brigade  was  constituted  as  we  have  nar 
rated  in  the  beginning  of  this  chapter.1 

At  this  distance  of  time,  we  have  opportunities  of  com 
paring  the  accounts,  both  of  the  official  reports  and  of 
personal  combatants  in  the  field  ;  of  writers  who  wrote 
flushed  with  the  excitement  of  the  action,  and  of  those 
who  calmly  sought  truth,  when  the  action  existed  only  as 
an  event  of  history.  With  this  comparison  made,  and 
with  these  views  examined,  we  conclude,  that  the  battle 
of  Chippewa  was  fought,  in  regard  to  the  actual  combat, 
by  the  Americans,  with  rather  inferior  forces  ;  was  fought 
on  an  open  plain  with  ^10  peculiar  advantage  to  either 
party  ;  and  was  fairly  won  byxthe  Americans,  opposed  to 
some  of  the  best  troops  of  Europe.2 

thus  stated— Royal  Scots,  400  ;  8th,  400  ;  100th,  800  ;  artillery,  dragoons, 
and  militia,  500  ;  in  all,  about  2100  men. 

The  American  troops  were,  the  9th,  llth,  and  25th  infantry,  with  a 
detachment  of  the  22d,  Towson's  artillery,  and  Porter's  volunteers.  The 
three  regiments  of  infantry  may  be  called  1400,  though  probably  less ;  the 
residue  about  500,  making  1900.  In  this  account  light  troops  are  counted 
on  both  sides. 

1  Page  100. 

*  The  Royal  Scots,  the  100th,  and  the  Queen's  Own,  were  claimed 
to  be  among  the  best  of  the  British  troops. 


EFFECTS  OF  THE  BATTLE  OF  CHIPPEWA.      113 

The  victory,  therefore,  though  attended  by  no  actual 
conquest,  was  valuable  to  the  American  people.  It  taught 
them,  and  it  inspired  all  ranks  of  the  army  with  the 
knowledge,  that  our  troops,  when  properly  instructed, 
were  equal  in  courage  and  coolness,  in  devotion  and  dis 
cipline,  to  those  whose  skill  and  experience  had  been  ac 
quired  in  the  Peninsula  of  Spain,  or  under  the  warm  sun 
of  India.  This  knowledge  came  when  its  inspiration  was 
needed.  Along  this  line  of  Canada  frontier,  whence  so 
much  had  been  expected,  one  general  had  surrendered 
with  shame  ;J  another  had  retreated,  to  the  disappointment 
of  the  country;2  and  a  third  had  refused  to  advance,  and 
retired  to  inactivity.3 

This  gloomy  period  had  indeed  been  relieved  by  the 
defeat  of  Proctor;  but  there  had  been  too  many  mis 
fortunes  or  disasters  on  the  northern  frontier,  not  to  leave 
a  degree  of  doubt  and  uncertainty  on  the  popular  mind, 
respecting  the  vigor  and  discipline  of  our  land  forces. 
The  battle  of  Chippewa  removed  this  impression.  It 
blazed  up  from  apparently  sinking  fires,  and  illuminated 
the  horizon  of  hope,  not  so  much  by  the  magnitude  as  by 
the  brilliancy  of  its  light. 

Let  us  turn  a  moment  from  the  American,  to  the  views 
taken  by  English  writers  of  this  sanguinary  action.  They, 
at  least,  will  not  be  too  partial  to  America.  An  English 
periodical  of  that  day,  says — 

"On  reading  the  two  accounts  (English  and  American) 
of  the  same  affair,  one  is  forcibly  struck  with  the  oppo 
site  statements  they  contain,  and  which  it  would  be  a  vain 
task  in  me  to  reconcile.  We,  as  is  natural,  will  be  in- 

1  Hull.  »  Wilkinson.  3  Hampton. 

8 


114  VIEWS  OF  BRITISH  WRITERS. 

clined  to  believe  our  general,  while  the  Americans  will, 
as  naturally,  believe  theirs."  *  *  *  * 

*  "  But,  whatever  may  be  said  as  to  this,  there 
can  be  no  difference  of  opinion  as  to  the  more  important 
feature  in  it,  namely,  the  undaunted  bravery  of  the  Ameri 
cans,  and  the  little  hope  this  affords,  that  the  contest  will 
soon  be  terminated."  *  *  *  * 

"  I  do  not  think  there  is  evidence,  that  the  British 
army,  at  or  near  the  scene  of  action,  was  upwards  of  four 
thousand  strong,  while  the  enemy  was  under  three  thou 
sand."1 

*  *  *  "  Numerous  as  were  the  battles  of  Napoleon, 
and  brave  as  were  his  soldiers,  I  do  not  believe  that  even 
he,  the  greatest  warrior  that  ever  lived,  can  produce 
an  instance  of  a  contest  so  well  maintained,  or,  in  pro 
portion  to  the  numbers  engaged,  so  bloody,  as  that  of 
Chippewa."2  *  *  *  * 


1  The  reference  of  the  writer  here  is  obviously  to  those  that  composed 
the  entire  armies  of  Riall  and  Brown,  and  not  to  those  actually  engaged. 

2  The  killed,  wounded,  and  prisoners,  in  the  battle  of  Chippewa,  were 
returned  as  follows : — 

American  Official  Report. 


Killed. 

Wounded. 

Missir 

Artillery,  (Towson's,) 

4 

16 

— 

9th  infantry, 

13 

44 

— 

22d       " 

8 

44 

— 

25th      " 

5 

68 

— 

llth      " 

15 

60 



Porter's  Volunteers, 

12 

13 

17 

Ripley's  brigade, 

3 

3 

2 

60 

248 

19 

Total,  327. 

BRAVERY  OF  THE  AMERICAN  TROOPS.        115 

"  The  important  fact  is,  that  we  have  now  got  an  ene 
my  who  fights  as  bravely  as  ourselves.  For  some  time, 
the  Americans  cut  no  figure  on  land.  They  have  now 
proved  to  us  that  they  only  wanted  time  to  acquire  a 
little  discipline.  They  have  now  proved  to  us  what  they 
are  made  of,  and  they  are  the  same  sort  of  men  as 
those  who  captured  whole  armies  under  Burgoyne  and 
Cornwallis ;  that  they  are  neither  to  be  frightened  nor 
silenced ;  and  that  if  we  should  beat  them  at  last,  we 
cannot  expect  to  do  it  without  expending  three  or  four 
hundred  millions  of  money,  keeping  up  all  our  present 
taxes,  and  adding  to  their  amount,  or  imposing  new  taxes. 
These  are  the  facts  that  are  now  proved  to  us.  These 
are  the  natural  consequences  of  battles  such  as  that  of 
Chippewa." 

*  *  *  "  America  will  have  carried  on  a  war  single- 
handed  against  us  ;  she  will  have,  through  the  world,  the 
reputation  of  having  been  able  alone  to  beat  England  ; 
for,  to  defend  herself  against  us  is,  in  such  a  case,  to 
beat  us.  Other  nations,  sore  at  the  sight  of  our  predomi 
nance  on  the  sea,  will  look  up  to  America  as  the  balance 
against  us.  They  will  naturally  seek  a  connection  with 


British  Official  Report. 

Killed.         Wounded. 

Missing. 

Artillery,                                  1                   4 

— 

Royal  Scots,                          53               135 

30 

8th,  (or  King's,)                       3                 24 

— 

100th  regiment,                     69               134 

1 

Militia,                                   12                 1C 

15 

19th  Dragoons,                                            5 

— 

138  319  46 

Total,  503. 
Total  loss,  830  in  less  than  4000  men. 


116  GENERAL  BROWN*S  OFFICIAL  REPORT. 

a  country  offering  innumerable  sources  of  beneficial  in 
tercourse."  *  *  *  * 

This  language  may  be  stronger  than  what  many  Ameri 
cans  would  be  willing  to  use  ;  but  is  it  not  justified  by 
the  facts,  and  by  the  consequences  ?  Soon  after  the 
battle  of  Chippewa,  our  arms  acquired  other  victories, 
both  in  the  north  and  in  the  south.  Since  the  war,  as  the 
writer  predicted,  our  alliance  has  been  courted  and  our 
commerce  sought,  by  every  nation  on  the  habitable  globe. 

We  shall  close  the  history  of  the  field  of  Chippewa 
with  the  testimony  of  him  who,  alike  by  station  and  by 
skill,  was  the  best  witness  to  the  gallant  actions  of  his 
brave  and  devoted  soldiers. 

General  Brown,  in  his  Official  Report,1  observes — 

"  My  most  difficult  duty  remains  to  be  performed.  I 
am  depressed  with  the  fear  of  not  being  able  to  do  justice 
to  my  brave  companions  in  arms,  and  apprehensive  that 
some  who  had  an  opportunity  of  distinguishing  them 
selves,  and  promptly  embraced  it,  will  escape  my  notice. 

"  Brigadier-General  Scott  is  entitled  to  the  highest 
praise  our  country  can  bestow — to  him  more  than  any 
other  man  am  I  indebted  for  the  victory  of  the  5th  of 
July.  His  brigade  covered  itself  with  glory.  Every 
officer  and  every  man  of  the  9th  and  22d,  llth  and  25th 
regiments,  did  his  duty  with  a  zeal  and  energy  worthy  of 
the  American  character.  When  every  officer  stands  so 
pre-eminently  high  in  the  path  of  duty  and  honor,  it  is 
impossible  to  discriminate,  but  I  cannot  deprive  myself 
of  the  pleasure  of  saying,  that  Major  Leavenworth  com 
manded  the  9th  and  22d,  Major  Jesup  the  25th,  and 

1  Brown's  Official  Report,  6  Niles,  354. 


IMPORTANCE  OF  THE  BATTLE  OF  CHIPPEWA.    117 

Major  M'Neil  the  llth.  Colonel  Campbell  was  wounded 
early  in  the  action,  gallantly  leading  on  his  regiment. 

"The  family  of  General  Scott  (his  military  staff)  were 
conspicuous  in  the  field  ;  Lieutenant  Smith  of  the  6th  in 
fantry,  major  of  brigade,  and  Lieutenants  Worth1  and 
Watts,  his  aids. 

"  From  General  Ripley  and  his  brigade  I  received 
every  assistance  that  I  gave  them  an  opportunity  of  ren 
dering.  I  did  not  order  any  part  of  the  reserve  into  ac 
tion  until  General  Porter's  command  had  given  way,  and 
then  General  Scott's  movements  were  so  rapid  and  de 
cisive,  that  General  Ripley  could  not  get  up  in  time  with 
the  21st,  to  the  position,  as  directed." 

The  battle  of  Chippewa,  we  have  already  shown,  was 
important  in  raising  the  self-estimation  of  the  American 
people,  in  regard  to  military  service  on  land,  in  open  field 
combat.  It  was  likewise  important  intrinsically,  to  the 
glory  and  reputation  of  American  arms,  both  at  home  and 
abroad. 

General  Brown  has  said,  in  the  preceding  Report,  that 
to  General  Scott  more  than  to  any  other  man  was  he  in 
debted  for  the  victory  of  the  5th  of  July ;  and  that  he 
was  entitled  to  the  highest  praise  his  country  could  be 
stow.  No  stronger  language  than  this  can  be  used.  The 


1  Lieutenant  Worth,  here  mentioned,  is  now  Brigadier-General  Worth. 
He  was  for  several  years  commander  of  the  battalion  of  cadets  at  West 
Point,  and  subsequently  one  of  the  commanders  in  the  Florida  war. 

The  promotions  made  for  the  campaign  of  Niagara  were  as  follows : 
HONORARY  BREVETS — Brigadier-General  Scott,  Major-General ;  Majors 
Leavenworth,  Jesup,  and  M'Neil,  Lieutenant-Colonels  ;  Captains  Crooker, 
Towson,  Harrison,  and  Austin,  Majors :  Lieutenant  Worth,  Captain ; 
2d  Lieutenant  Watts,  1st  Lieutenant 

8* 


118  CHARACTER  OF  GENERAL  SCOTT. 

foregoing  narrative  has  proved,  that  the  commander-in- 
chief  was  not  mistaken.  Scott  was  the  actual  com 
mander  of  the  forces  engaged  in  battle  ;  and  when  the 
day  closed,  it  was  not  unjust,  that  to  him  was  assigned 
the  freshest  and  greenest  leaf  from  the  many-laurelled 
plain  of  Chippewa. 

It  is  also  just  to  inquire,  what,  and  by  what  means  ac 
quired,  were  those  qualities,  by  which  he  became  a  con 
spicuous  and  successful  soldier. 

The  reader  will  recollect,  that  we  described  Scott,  after 
his  suspension  for  words  used  against  Wilkinson,  as  en 
gaged  sedulously,  in  the  house  of  B.  W.  Leigh,  Esq.,  in 
the  study  of  the  science  of  his  profession.  It  was  a  val 
uable  study  to  him.  Then,  and  at  subsequent  periods,  he 
acquired  that  systematic  and  technical  knowledge  of  the 
discipline,  organization,  and  movement  of  troops,  which 
makes  military  knowledge,  like  other  systematic  branches 
of  learning,  practically  an  art  and  theoretically  a  science. 

In  the  Camp  of  Buffalo,  likewise,  Scott  had  shown  his 
acquaintance-  with  the  French  military  tactics,  till  then 
not  introduced  into  the  American  service,  and  this  know 
ledge  was  made  available  to  the  discipline  of  the  troops. 

In  his  natural  character,  Scott  was  daring,  ardent, 
zealous,  and  quick  to  perceive.  With  such  qualities, 
natural  and  acquired,  we  at  once  find  a  reason  for  the 
rapid  development  of  his  military  talents  in  the  field  of 
action.  There  we  find  displayed  great  personal  courage, 
bold  enterprise,  and  the  utmost  promptitude  of  move 
ment,  united  with  a  cool  presence  of  mind,  and  the  most 
ready  resource  in  difficulty.  These  are  the  qualities  of 
an  able  general,  and  as  such,  were  developed  in  him  on 
the  northern  frontier. 


//, ''  -i~  -••"•sorvA    ^  u ^<^^     %. 


of   tko 

BATTLE  of  LUNDY'S 
LANE,  or  NIAGARA, 


just  before  flio  British. 
Battery  wn8  curried. 


THE  AMERICANS  CROSS  THE  CHIPPEWA.  121 


CHAPTER   IX.  , 

1814. 

American  Army  crosses  the  Chippewa. — Demonstration  towards  Burling 
ton  Heights. — Battle  of  Niagara. — Scott  wounded  and  disabled. 

THE  army  of  the  north  had  scarcely  rested  from  its 
labors  at  Chippewa,  when  it  was  called  to  the  still  more 
sanguinary  field  of  Niagara.  The  second  day  after  the 
battle  of  the  5th,  the  American  troops  forced  their  way 
over  Chippewa  River.  In  this,  Scott's  brigade  led,  and 
the  enemy  retreated  before  him. 

After  the  campaign  of  1813,  Fort  Messasauga  was 
erected  near  the  mouth  of  Niagara  River,  and  added  to 
the  defences  of  Fort  George.  These  forts  General 
Riall,  the  British  commander,  reinforced,  and  then  re 
tired  to  Burlington  Heights,  near  the  head  of  Lake  On 
tario.  It  was  the  object  of  General  Brown  to  capture 
these  defences  before  commencing  any  ulterior  opera 
tions.  To  accomplish  this,  he  sent  to  Sacketts  Harbor 
for  heavy  cannon,  which  were  to  have  been  transported 
by  the  American  vessels.1  At  this  time,  however,  Com 
modore  Chauncey  lay  sick,  and  the  enemy  had  a  mo 
mentary  superiority  on  the  lake.2  The  intentions  of  the 


1  General  Brown's  Letter  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  July  25th,  1814, 
6  Niles,  411.  2  Idem. 


122       GEN.  BROWN'S  PLAN  OP  ATTACK. 

commander,  therefore,  in  regard  to  the  forts  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Niagara,  were  disappointed. 

General  Brown  determined  then  to  attack  Burlington 
Heights  ;  but,  to  induce  the  enemy  to  descend,  and  at 
the  same  time  draw  a  small  supply  of  provisions  from 
Schtosser,1  he  masked  his  intentions,  by  feigning  a  re 
treat  up  the  Niagara,  recrossed  the  Chippewa,  and  en 
camped. 

Had  this  movement  failed  to  withdraw  the  British 
troops  from  the  Heights,  it  was  intended  to  use  the  25lh 
as  a  day  of  rest,  and  on  the  26th  to  send  Scott  forward 
by  the  road  from  Queenstown,  and  force  Riall  to  action, 
no  matter  how  strongly  he  might  be  posted.  Events  de 
termined  otherwise,  and  what  was  meant  to  be  a  day  of 
rest,  was  converted  into  the  most  active  and  bloody  day 
of  the  campaign. 

In  the  afternoon  of  the  25th,  amidst  general  relaxation, 
General  Brown  received  a  note  from  a  colonel  of  militia, 
whose  regiment  occupied  two  or  three  posts  on  the 
American  side  of  the  Niagara,  stating  in  the  most  precise 
terms,  that  the  enemy  had  thrown  a  thousand  men  across 
from  Queenstown  to  Lewiston,  nine  miles  below  the 
Chippewa,  for  some  object  not  exactly  understood. 
Brown  conjectured  that  there  was  an  intention  to  capture 
our  magazines  at  Schlosser,  and  to  intercept  supplies 
coming  down  from  Buffalo.  In  order  to  recall  him  from 
this  object,2  Brown  immediately  determined  to  threaten 
the  forts  at  the  mouth  of  the  Niagara.  In  less  than 
twenty  minutes  Scott's  command  was  put  in  motion  for 
that  purpose.3  His  force  consisted  of  four  small  bat- 

1  Brown's  Official  Report,  G  Niles,  433.  '  Idem.  *  Idem. 


SCOTT  S  BRIGADE  SENT  IN  ADVANCE.  123 

talions,  under  Colonel  Brady,1  and  Majors  Jesup,  Leav- 
enworth,  and  M'Neil ;  Captain  Towson's  artillery,  and 
Captain  Harris's  detachment  of  regular  and  volunteer 
cavalry ;  in  all  amounting  to  thirteen  hundred  men.  There 
was  not  time  to  call  in  the  guards  which  belonged  to 
those  corps. 

About  two  miles  from  the  camp,  and  just  above  the 
Falls,  Scott  discovered  a  few  British  officers,  mounted, 
who,  as  it  turned  out,  were  in  advance  to  reconnoitre,  and 
soon  learned  that  the  enemy  was  in  some  little  force  be 
low,  and  only  intercepted  from  the  view  by  a  narrow 
wood. 

In  this  situation,  Scott  for  a  moment  reflected  on  what 
course  should  be  pursued.  He  was  instructed  to  march 
rapidly  on  the  forts,  under  positive  information  (given  as 
we  have  narrated  to  General  Brown,)  that  Riall  had, 
three  hours  before,  thrown  half  his  force  across  the  Nia 
gara.  Reflecting  that  the  whole  had  been  beaten  on  the 
5th  inst.,  he  lost  no  time  in  reconnoitring,  but  dashed 
forward  to  disperse  what  he  thought  was  the  remnant  of 
the  British  army  opposed  to  him. 

After  dispatching  Assistant  Adjutant-General  Jones2  to 
General  Brown  with  the  information  that  the  enemy  was 
in  front,  he  proceeded  to  pass  the  wood,  just  below  For- 
sythe's  House.  There  he  was  greatly  astonished  to  find, 
directly  in  front,  drawn  up  in  order  of  battle,  on  Lundy's 
Lane,3  a  larger  force  even  than  that  he  had  encountered 
at  Chippewa  twenty  days  before  !  The  position  he  was 


1  Brown's  Official  Report,  6  Niles,  433. 

1  Brown's  Report. 

1  Drummond's  General  Order,  26th  July,  6  Niles,  439. 


124  SCOTT  ENCOUNTERS  SUPERIOR  NUMBERS. 

in,  was  extremely  critical.  To  stand  fast  was  out  of  the 
question,  being  already  under  a  heavy  fire  of  the  enemy's 
artillery  and  musketry.  To  retreat  was  equally  haz 
ardous  ;  for  there  is  always,  in  such  a  case,  the  proba 
bility  of-  confusion,  and,  at  this  time,  the  danger  of  creating 
a  panic  in  the  reserve,  then  supposed  to  be  coming  up, 
and  which  had  not  been  in  the  previous  battle. 

Scott  saw  that  no  measure  but  one  of  boldness  would 
succeed.  He  therefore  determined  to  maintain  the  battle 
against  superior  numbers  and  position  till  the  reserve 
came  up,  thus  giving  General  Riall  the  idea  that  the 
whole  American  army  was  at  hand.  This  would  prevent 
him  from  profiting  by  his  numerical  strength  to  attack 
our  flanks  and  rear.  He  would  thus  lose  the  initial,  a 
matter  of  no  small  importance  in  military  enterprises. 
The  scheme  succeeded.1  For  a  long  time  the  enemy 
was  kept  on  the  defensive,  till  the  American  reserve  had 
come  up  and  entered  into  the  action. 

In  the  mean  while  Scott  had  sent  back  to  General 
Brown,  Lieutenant  Douglass,2  as  well  as  Major  Jones, 
to  report  the  condition  of  affairs.  The  first  was  to  report 
that  the  remnant  of  Riall's  army  was  manoeuvring  to  pro 
tect  the  detachment  thrown  over  the  Niagara  ;  the  second 
was  to  inform  the  general,  that  so  far  from  being  dimin 
ished,  the  British  army  was  actually  reinforced,  and  thus 
to  hasten  up  the  reserve. 

1  It  appears  from  Drummond's  General  Order,  2Gtli  July,  in  6  Niles, 
439,  that  he  thought  his  position  in  Lundy's  Lane  was  attacked  by  the  whole 
American  army.  He  thanks  the  army  for  "  repulsing  all  the  efforts  of  a 
numerous  and  determined  enemy  to  carry  the  position  of  Lundy's  Lane." 

a  Lieutenant  D.  B.  Douglass  of  the  Engineers,  afterwards  professor  at 
West  Point,  and  subsequently  president  of  Kenyon  College,  Ohio. 


THE  BRITISH  CONTINUALLY  REINFORCED.      125 

On  the  British  side  the  facts  were  these.  In  the  night 
before,  the  night  of  the  24th,  Lieutenant-General  Sir 
Gordon  Drummond  had  arrived,  in  the  British  fleet,  at 
the  mouth  of  the  Niagara,  with  a  large  reinforcement 
from  Kingston  and  Prescott.  This  was  wholly  unknown 
to  General  Brown !  Drummond  had,  in  advance,  sent 
instructions  to  Riall  to  meet  him  on  the  25th  on  the 
Niagara.  Accordingly,  Riall  had  marched  down  the  very 
road  it  had  been  arranged  that  Scott  was  to  take  on  the 
26th.  He  had  come  by  Queenstown  without  putting  a 
man  across  the  Niagara !  He  had  continued  his  route, 
as  the  advance  of  Drummond's  army,  towards  the  Falls, 
On  the  way,  he  had  already  been  joined  by  two  of  the 
battalions  which  had  just  come  up  in  the  fleet.  The 
others  arrived  successively,  at  intervals  of  half  an  hour  or 
an  hour,  after  the  action  had  commenced. 

The  battle  began  about  forty  minutes  before  sunset, 
and,  like  its  predecessor  at  Chippewa,  was  the  closing 
drama  of  a  long  and  warm  summer's  day.  Like  that  too,  it 
signalized  among  the  affairs  of  men  a  spot  which  in  the 
world  of  nature  had  been  rendered  illustrious  by  one  of  the 
great  and  glorious  works  of  God.  When  the  battle  was 
about  to  begin,  just  as  the  setting  sun  sent  his  red  beams 
from  the  west,  they  fell  upon  the  spray,  which  continually 
goes  up,  like  incense,  from  the  deep,  dashing  torrent  of 
Niagara.  The  bright  light  was  divided  into  its  primal  hues, 
and  a  rainbow  rose  from  the  waters,  encircling  the  head 
of  the  advancing  column  I1  In  a  more  superstitious  age, 


1  This  incident  is  related  by  an  officer  who  was  present  in  the  battle. 
It  is  well  known,  that  one  of  the  most  beautiful  phenomena  of  the  Falls 
is  the  formation  of  rainbows,  both  lunar  and  solar,  at  all  times  when  the 


126  POSITION  OF  THE  ENEMY. 

such  a  sign  would  have  been  regarded,  like  the  Roman 
auguries,  as  a  precursor  of  victory.  Even  now,  this  bow 
of  promise  furnished  the  inspiration  of  hope,  with  the 
colors  of  beauty. 

The  line  which  now  opened  its  fire  upon  Scptt,  at  the 
distance  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  paces,  was  already 
eighteen  hundred  strong.  It  was  well  posted  in  Lundy's 
Lane,  a  ridge  nearly  at  right  angles  with  the  Niagara 
River,  a  little  below  the  cataract.  Its  left  was  on  the 
road  parallel  to  the  river,  with  a  space  covered  with 
brushwood,  of  some  two  hundred  yards,  between.  Scott, 
observing  this  interval,  soon  ordered  Major  Jesup,  sus 
tained  by  Colonel  Brady,  to  take  advantage  of  it,  and, 
concealed  by  the  bushes  and  twilight,  to  turn  the  enemy's 
left.  The  other  battalions  had  been  before  promptly  de 
ployed  into  line,  and  the  action  joined  by  it  (Brady  on  the 
right)  and  Towson's  artillery.  The  small  detachments  of 
cavalry  on  both  sides  were  held  in  reserve.  The  enemy, 
finding  after  some  time  that  he  outflanked  us  on  the  left, 
threw  forward  a  battalion  to  take  us  in  flank  and  rear. 
Scott,  although  with  inferior  numbers,  caused  this  move 
ment  to  be  promptly  met  and  repelled  by  Major  M'Neil's 
battalion,  but  with  great  loss  on  both  sides.  At  the  same 
moment,  the  action  in  front  was  desperately  contested  by 
Brady,  now  in  line,  and  by  Leavenworth  and  Towson. 
Major  Jesup  had  succeeded  in  his  movement.  He  had 
taken  Major-General  Riall,1  and  several  other  officers, 

state  of  the  weather  is  favorable.  I  once  heard  Dr.  Percival,  the  poet, 
describe  witli  great  fervor  the  appearance  of  a  rainbow,  formed  by  the 
moonbeams  near  midnight,  on  the  spray  of  the  cataract.  Such  a  scene 
was  indeed  filled  with  the  poetry  of  nature. 

1  Major  Ketchum,  of  the  25th  regiment  of  infantry,  who  died  iu  the 


THE  CONFLICT  IN  THE  NIGHT.  127 

prisoners,  and  then  gallantly  charged  back,  (cutting  off  a 
portion  of  the  enemy's  left  wing,)  reappearing,  and  re 
suming  his  position  in  line. 

The  battle  had  commenced  before  sunset.  The  twi 
light  had  gone,  and  the  action  was  continued  into  the 
night.  It  was  now  nine  o'clock.  The  enemy's  right  had 
been  beaten  back  from  its  flank  assault  with  great  loss. 
His  left  was  turned  and  cut  off.  His  centre  alone  re 
mained  firm.  It  was  posted  on  a  ridge,  and  supported  by 
nine  pieces  of  artillery. 

Another  battalion  of  Drummond's  reinforcements  had 


army,  August  30th,  1828,  was  the  officer  who  personally  made  General 
Riall  a  prisoner.  The  British  General  was  brought  to  Scott  by  Major 
Ketchum,  and  directions  were  given  that  the  distinguished  prisoner  should 
be  taken  to  the  rear,  and  treated  with  the  greatest  possible  kindness. 
Riall.  badly  wounded,  lay  some  days  at  the  same  house  in  Williamsville, 
(eleven  miles  east  of  Buffalo,)  with  Scott,  yet  more  severely  crippled. 
The  latter,  as  a  special  favor  to  himself,  obtained  permission  from  our 
government,  for  Riall  to  return  to  England  on  parole,  and  the  same  per 
mission  for  Riall's  friend,  Major  Wilson,  also  badly  wounded,  who  had 
been  captured  at  Chippewa.  We  have  already  said,  that  Scott  obtained 
the  same  favor  in  behalf  of  a  colonel  made  prisoner  by  him  at  Fort 
George,  the  year  before.  Such  favors  were,  however,  at  that  time,  only 
granted  by  the  American  government ;  Sir  George  Provost  and  the 
British  ministry  never  consented  to  place  on  parole,  or  to  exchange  a 
prisoner,  after  the  Americans  confined  the  twenty-three  hostages  in  1813. 
Sir  Phineas  Riall  has  been  promoted  to  a  full  general,  (above  the 
British  rank  of  Lieuteuant-General,)  made  a  knight  of  several  orders,  ap 
pointed  Governor  of  Tobago,  and  otherwise  rewarded  by  his  government. 
The  major  who  returned  to  England  with  him  is  now  Sir  John  Morillyou 
Wilson,  and  attached  to  one  of  the  royal  households.  It  was  he  who  ad 
dressed  a  letter  to  General  Scott  in  1841,  (which  has  been  published,)  re 
specting  his  Mississippi  bonds,  in  which  he  had  invested  the  little  savings 
of  forty  years  service,  together  with  his  wife's  property,  induced  thereto 
by  his  unbounded  confidence  in  the  American  character  ! 


128      GENERAL  BROWN  ARRIVES  WITH  THE  RESERVE. 

already  arrived,  and  a  fourth  was  only  a  few  miles  be 
hind.  Such  was  the  state  of  the  field,  when  Major- 
General  Brown  arrived,  a  little  in  advance  of  our  reserve. 
He  insisted  on  having  all  the  particulars,  reported  to  him 
previously  by  the  detached  staff-officers  mentioned, 
explained  and  confirmed  to  him  by  the  lips  of  Scott.  At 
this  point,  General  Brown  in  his  official  report1  takes  up 
the  narrative,  from  his  own  personal  observation.  We 
select  a  few  extracts  in  continuance  of  the  history. 

After  speaking  of  Scott's  brigade,  and  its  position  in 
the  first  part  of  the  battle,  he  says — "  Apprehending  that 
these  corps  were  much  exhausted,  and  knowing  that  they 
had  suffered  severely,  I  determined  to  interpose  a  new 
line  with  the  advancing  troops,  and  thus  disengage  Gen 
eral  Scott,  and  hold  his  brigade  in  reserve.  Orders  were 
accordingly  given  to  General  Ripley.  The  enemy's  ar 
tillery  at  this  moment  occupied  a  hill,  which  gave  him 
great  advantages,  and  was  the  key  to  the  whole  position. 
It  was  supported  by  a  line  of  infantry.  To  secure  the 
victory,  it  was  necessary  to  carry  this  artillery  and  seize 
the  height.  This  duty  was  assigned  to  Colonel  Miller.2 

"He  (Colonel  Miller)  advanced  steadily  and  gallantly  to 
his  object,  and  carried  the  height  and  the  cannon.  Gen 
eral  Ripley  brought  up  the  23d,  which  had  faltered,  to 
his  support,  and  the  enemy  disappeared  from  before  them. 
*  *  *  *  rp^e  enemv  ra]]ying  his  forces,  and,  as  is  be 
lieved,  having  received  reinforcements,  now  attempted  to 
drive  us  from  our  position  and  regain  his  artillery.  Our 


1  Brown's  Official  Report,  6  Niles,  433. 

*  Afterwards   Brigadier-General    Miller,  Governor  of  Arkansas,  and 
collector  at  Salem,  Massachusetts. 


COLONEL  MILLER'S  FAMOUS  REPLY.  129 

line  was  unshaken  and  the  enemy  repulsed.  Two  other 
attempts,  having  the  same  object,  had  the  same  issue. 
General  Scott  was  again  engaged  in  repelling  the  former 
of  these  ;  and  the  last  I  saw  of  him  on  the  field  of  battle, 
he  was  near  the  head  of  his  column,  and  giving  to  its 
march  a  direction  that  would  have  placed  him  on  the 
enemy's  right.  *******  Having  been  for  some  time 
wounded,  and  being  a  good  deal  exhausted  by  loss  of 
blood,  it  became  my  wish  to  devolve  the  command  on 
General  Scott,  and  retire  from  the  field,  but,  on  inquiry, 
I  had  the  misfortune  to  learn  that  he  was  disabled  by 
wounds  j1  I  therefore  kept  my  post,  and  had  the  satisfac 
tion  to  see  the  enemy's  last  effort  repulsed." 

The  crisis  of  this  engagement  was  the  moment  when 
the  enemy's  battery,  which  from  its  position  commanded 
the  field  of  action,  was  stormed  by  Miller's  regiment. 
The  diagram  exhibits  the  position  of  the  troops  at  that 
moment.  This  charge  was  one  of  the  finest  achieve 
ments  of  the  American  army.  General  Brown  said  to  the 
gallant  Miller — "Sir,  can  you  take  that  battery?"  "I 
WILL  TRY,"  was  the  reply  of  the  bluff  soldier — a  phrase 
now  become  familiar  to  all  American  lips.  Scott,  who  was 
perfectly  acquainted  with  the  ground,  conducted  Miller, 
in  the  darkness  of  the  night,  some  distance,  till  he  had 
the  right  direction.  He  then  returned  to  renew  the  at 
tack  in  front,  in  order  to  favor  the  movement  of  Miller.2 

1  This  was  a  mistake.  Scott  had  been  badly  wounded  an  hour  before, 
but  not  yet  disabled.  Having  lost  a  second  horse,  he  was  now  on  foot, 
and  was  finally  laid  prostrate,  by  a  ball  through  the  left  shoulder-joint, 
just  at  the  close  of  the  battle.  Brown  was  taken  from  the  field  a  few 
minutes  earlier. 

a  General  Brown,  in  his  Official  Report,  does  not  claim  the  suggestion 

9 


130  NEW  POSITION  OF  THE  AMERICANS. 

The  enemy's  battery  being  taken,  and  the  ridge  previ 
ously  occupied  by  the  enemy  being  gained,  the  American 
army  changed  position.  It  was  now  drawn  up  nearly 
at  right  angles  to  the  lane,  with  its  back  to  the  river. 
Scott  was  on  the  right,  Ripley  in  the  centre,  and  Porter, 
with  the  militia,  on  the  left.  In  this  new  position,  the 
American  line  generally  acted  on  the  defensive.  The 
British  desired  to  recover  the  ground  they  had  lost, 
and  made  several  assaults.  These  were  as  often  re 
pulsed  ;  but  the  enemy  would  again  rally  and  return  to 
the  charge. 

of  the  movement  by  Miller,  and  the  successful  assault  on  the  enemy's 
artillery.  Neither  does  he  attribute  it  to  any  one  else.  He  simply  says, 
that  it  was  necessary  to  carry  the  enemy's  battery,  and  that  Colonel 
Miller  was  assigned  to  this  task.  The  fair  inference  from  the  report  of 
Brown  is,  that  he  did  not  feel  certain,  or  assured,  as  to  who,  if  any 
one  in  particular  did,  suggest  the  idea  of  this  charge.  Armstrong,  in 
his  Notices  of  the  War,  says,  that  "  the  attention  of  all"  was  drawn  to 
the  British  battery,  and  that  "  the  senior  engineer  (McRee)  gave  his  de 
cided  opinion  that  it  was  necessary  to  the  success  of  the  day  '  to  storm  the 
British  battery.'  "  (Armstrong's  Notices  of  the  War  of  1812,  vol.  ii.  p.  92.) 
But  this  does  not  affirm  who  made  the  suggestion.  It  only  affirms  that 
this  was  McRee's  opinion,  and  so  it  was.  An  officer  of  the  staff  in  that 
battle  stated  to  us,  that  he  thought  the  idea  was  advanced  by  McRee 
who,  meeting  Brown  coming  up,  stated  this  to  the  commander.  But,  at 
the  same  time,  the  necessity  of  such  a  charge  was  so  obvious,  that  aH 
assented  to  it  at  once.  We  deem  it  immaterial  to  the  purpose  of  this  his 
tory,  who  made  an  abstract  suggestion  of  that  charge,  when  it  is  so 
well  known  who  were  the  efficient  actors  on  that  bloody  field.  Scott  was 
better  acquainted  with  the  ground  than  any  other  man ;  and  when  the 
charge  was  made,  he  conducted  Miller  in  the  darkness  of  the  night  to  the 
gap,  where  ho  turned  up  Lundy's  Lane.  This  fact  affords  some  reason  to 
believe  that  the  idea  originated  with  Scott  himself ;  but  it  is  quite  proba 
ble,  that  such  was  the  instant  and  obvious  crisis  of  the  battle,  that  several 
minds  seized  upon  it  at  the  same  time,  a  fact  that  is  by  no  means  un 
common  in  regard  to  new  suggestions. 


CHARGES  OF  SCOTT's  BRIGADE.  131 

'It  was  in  one  of  these  contests  General  Brown  had  last 
seen  Scott.  About  that  time,  the  latter  had  twice  formed 
small  portions  of  his  brigade  into  column,  advanced, 
charged  the  British  line,  also  advancing,  pierced  it,  and 
compelled  it  to  fall  back.1  In  such  a  battle,  with  such 
impetuous  courage,  Scott  was  necessarily  exposed  to  all 
the  dangers  of  the  field.  Two  horses  were  killed  under 
him.  In  the  midst  of  the  action,  he  was  wounded  in  the 
side.  At  eleven  o'clock  in  the  night,  he  was  disabled  by 
a  wound  from  a  musket-ball  through  the  left  shoulder. 
His  aid,  Lieutenant  Worth,  and  his  brigade-major,  Smith, 
were  also  both  severely  wounded. 

The  contest  closed  by  the  possession  of  the  field  of 
battle  by  the  Americans,  and  the  capture  of  the  enemy's 
cannon. 

The  world  has  seen  mightier  armies  moved  over  more 
memorable  fields,  and  followed  by  louder  notes  of  the 
far-resounding  trumpet  of  fame  ;  but  a  bloodier  scene 
for  those  engaged,2  a  severer  trial  of  courage  and  of  dis 
cipline,  or  one  whose  action  was  more  closely  associated 


1  Armstrong's  Notices,  vol.  ii.  p.  92. 

8  The  troops  engaged  on  the  American  side  were  the  same  as  com 
posed  General  Brown's  army  on  crossing  the  Niagara.  The  British  had, 
however,  been  reinforced  by  the  89th  regiment,  the  103d,  and  the  104th. 
The  losses  on  both  sides  were  as  follows — 

American  Loss.  British  Loss. 

Killed,  171  Killed,  84 

Wounded,       572  Wounded,       559 

Prisoners,        117  Prisoners,        235 


Total,  860  Total,  878 

These  numbers  are  taken  from  the  official  reports. 


132        THE  MOON  IS  OBSCURED  BY  CLOUDS. 

with  the  sublime  and  beautiful  in  nature,  the  world  has 
not  seen.  The  armies  were  drawn  out  near  the  shores 
of  that  rapid  river  whose  current  mingles  lake  with  lake. 
Hard  by,  was  that  CATARACT  whose  world  of  waters  rushes 
over  the  precipice,  and,  rushing,  roars  into  the  gulf  below  ! 
The  ceaseless  spray  rises  up,  like  incense  to  the  eternal 
Father !  The  beams  of  sun,  and  moon,  and  stars,  fall 
ceaselessly  on  that  spray,  and  are  sent  back  in  many-colored 
hues  to  the  source  of  light !  So  was  it  when,  wheeling 
into  the  field  of  battle,  the  slant  beams  of  the  setting  sun, 
returning  from  the  spray,  encircled  the  advancing  column 
with  rainbow  colors  !  The  sun  went  down,  to  many  an 
eye,  no  more  to  rise  on  earth  ! 

With  the  darkness  came  the  greater  rage  of  battle — 
charge  after  charge  was  made.  For  a  time  the  faint 
beams  of  the  moon  struggled  with  the  smoke,  and  gave  a 
little  light  to  the  combatants  ;  but  it  was  but  little.  The 
moon  itself  became  obscured,  and  no  light,  save  the  rapid 
flashes  of  musket  and  cannon,  pierced  the  heavy  clouds. 

The  fight  raged  in  the  darkness  of  the  night.  From 
the  height  on  the  ridge,  the  battery  of  the  enemy  still 
poured  its  deadly  fire. 

It  was  then  that  the  gallant  Miller  said,  "  I  will  try." 
It  was  then  that  Scott  piloted  his  column  through  dark 
ness  to  Lundy's  Lane.  It  was  then  that  brave  regiment 
charged  to  the  cannon's  mouth.  The  battery  was  taken. 
The  victory  rests  with  the  American  army. 

It  was  midnight.  The  battle  is  ended.  The  army, 
faint  and  weary,  drags  itself  from  the  bloody  plain.1 

1  Brown's  Official  Report  (6  Niles,  434)  says — "  While  retiring  from 
the  field,  I  saw  and  felt  that  the  victory  was  complete  on  our  part,  if 
proper  measures  were  promptly  adopted  to  secure  it.  The  exhaustion  of 


CLOSE  OP  THE  BATTLE  OF  NIAGARA.  133 

The  well  sink  to  their  couch  to  dream  of  homes  far 
away  J1  The  wounded  groan  in  their  painful  hospitals. 
The  dead  rest  till  the  last  trumpet  shall  summon  them  to 
the  last  array  !  The  warrior,  with  his  garments  rolled  in 
blood,  has  left  the  scene  of  struggles,  pains,  and  death  ! 
Some  kind  friend  may  have  sought  him,  whether  alive  or 
dead  ;  but  the  war-drum  had  ceased  to  beat ;  the  artillery 
ceased  to  roll ;  and  now  the  solemn,  sonorous  fall  of 
Niagara  is  to  the  dead  their  requiem,  and  to  the  living 
their  song  of  glory  ! 

The  battle  of  Niagara  has  been,  by  mistake  or  accident, 
commonly  called  in  the  United  States,  the  battle  of 
Bridgewater.2  In  the  official  report  of  the  British  general 
it  was  called  the  battle  of  Lundy's  Lane.  It  has  been 
usage,  however,  to  call  a  battle,  or  other  important  event, 
from  the  most  remarkable  object  near  the  scene  of  action. 

the  men  was,  however,  such  as  made  some  refreshment  necessary.  They 
particularly  required  water." 

1  The  "  Soldier's  Dream,"  under  circumstances  like  these,  has  been  the 
theme  of  one  of  Campbell's  most  beautiful  productions — 

"  And  thousands  had  sunk  on  the  ground  overpowered, 
The  weary  to  sleep  and  the  wounded  to  die. 


"  At  the  dead  of  the  night  a  sweet  vision  I  saw, 
And  thrice  ere  the  morning  I  dreamt  it  again. 

"  Methought,  from  the  battle-field's  dreadful  array, 

Far,  far,  I  had  roamed  on  a  desolate  track  ; 
'Twas  autumn,  and  sunshine  arose  on  the  way 

To  the  home  of  my  fathers,  that  welcomed  me  back." 

5  About  a  mile  above  the  field  of  battle  and  the  Falls,  there  are  mills 
on  a  side-cut  called  the  Bridgewater  Mills.  A  postmaster  attached  to 
the  army,  on  the  American  side  of  the  river,  wrote  a  letter  to  the  interior, 

9* 


134  THE  MEMORY  OF  THE  BRAVE  WHO  DIE. 

Fought,  as  this  battle  was,  near  that  mighty  cataract 
which  makes  one  of  the  wonders  of  nature,  on  either  side 
of  the  Atlantic ;  fought  too  with  a  courage  and  a  con 
stancy  worthy  of  such  an  association,  why  should  it  not 
be  named  from  those  loud,  sounding  waters  ?  Let  it  then 
be  called,  THE  BATTLE  OF  NIAGARA.*  Let  the  memory 
of  the  dead,2  and  the  fame  of  the  living,  roll  on  with  those 
waters  to  the  distant  future  ! 


saying,  a  great  battle  was  then  raging  (10  o'clock  at  night)  near  those 
mills.  The  universal  publication  of  that  letter,  before  any  official  report, 
caused  the  confusion  in  the  name  of  this  action. 

1  NIAGARA  was  the  name  given  to  this  battle  in  the  Albany  Argus, 
(See  6  Niles,  414.)  "  It  commands,"  says  the  Argus,  "  like  the  achieve 
ments  of  our  naval  heroes,  the  admiration  of  all  classes  of  the  American 
people,  a  few  excepted." 

8  The  late  poem,  FESTUS,  by  Mr.  Bailey,  has  the  following  lines — 

— "  No  !  the  brave 

Die  never.     Being  deathless,  they  but  change 
Their  country's  arms  for  more — their  country's  heart. 
Give  then  the  dead  their  due — it  is  they  who  saved  us." 


RIPLEY  RETURNS  TO  THE  CAMP.  135 


CHAPTER  X. 

1814. 

Retreat  of  the  American  Army. — Drummond  besieges  Fort  Erie. — As 
sault  of  the  British  on  Fort  Erie. — Sortie  of  the  Americans  from  Fort 
Erie. — Retreat  of  the  British  army. — Close  of  the  Campaign. 

WE  must  leave,  for  a  time,  the  wounded  Scott  to  the 
applause  of  his  countrymen,  so  richly  deserved,  and  so 
freely  bestowed,  while  we  briefly  describe  the  closing 
deeds  of  the  army  of  Niagara.  We  have  accompanied  it 
through  so  many  scenes  of  danger  and  of  glory,  that  we 
cannot  abandon  it  till  the  peace,  which  occurred  but  six 
months  subsequently,  relieved  it  from  the  toil  and  trouble, 
the  hazards  and  difficulties  of  war. 

General  Brown  had  been  taken,  wounded,  from  the  field 
of  Niagara.  Towards  the  close  of  the  battle,  Scott  also, 
twice  wounded,  and  now  exhausted,  was  borne  out  of  the 
action. 

General  Brown  did  not,  however,  at  once  resign  the 
command.1  He  directed  General  Ripley  to  return  to 
camp,  after  bringing  off  the  dead,  the  wounded,  and  the 
artillery.2  This  was  done,  but  unfortunately,  for  the 
want  of  horses,  harness,  and  drag-ropes,  the  captured 
artillery  of  the  enemy  was  left  behind3 — a  circumstance 
much  regretted. 

1  Brown's  Official  Report. 

3  Armstrong's  Notices  of  the  War,  vol.  ii.  p.  94.  3  Idem. 


136  DRUMMOND  BOMBARDS  FORT  ERIE. 

The  army  fell  back  to  Chippewa,  and  there  converted 
the  works  thrown  up  by  the  enemy  into  defences  against 
him.  On  the  report  that  General  Drummond,  at  the 
head  of  a  heavy  British  column,  was  fast  approaching,  the 
American  camp  was  hastily  broken  up,  its  position  aban 
doned,  and  a  retreat  made  to  the  ferry,  opposite  Black 
Rock.  At  this  point  General  Brown  ordered  the  division 
to  remain  at  Fort  Erie,  directed  the  engineers  McRee 
and  Wood  to  repair  the  old  fort,  and  make  such  defences 
as  were  in  their  power ;  at  the  same  time  ordering  Briga 
dier-General  Gaines  to  assume  the  command.1 

A  week  after  this,  on  the  3d  August,  General  Drum 
mond  appeared  in  the  neighborhood  of  Fort  Erie,  and, 
rinding  it  impossible  to  carry  it  by  storm,  was  compelled 
to  make  a  regular  investment. 

Between  the  3d  and  12th  of  August,  Drummond  em 
ployed  himself  in  endeavoring  to  cut  off  the  American  pro 
visions,  and  in  the  preparatory  measures  of  opening 
trenches,  and  establishing  batteries.2  On  the  morning  of 
the  13th,  he  commenced  a  cannonade  and  bombardment. 
This  was  continued  through  the  day,  renewed  in  the 
morning  of  the  14th,  and  continued  till  seven  o'clock  in 
the  evening;  but  without  any  serious  injury  to  the  Ameri 
can  works.  On  that  day,  General  Gaines  doubled  his 
guards,  and  prepared  to  receive  an  assault.  At  two 
o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  15th,  a  heavy  British  column 
was  found  approaching  Towson's  battery,  stationed  at  the 
northwest  angle  of  the  work,  where  it  was  received  by 
the  cannon  of  Towson,  and  the  musketry  of  the  25th 

1  Armstrong's  Notices,  vol.  ii.  pp.  9G-97. 
3  Idem.     General  Gaines's  Official  Report. 


ASSAULT  OF  THE  BRITISH  ARMY.  137 

regiment,  under  the  gallant  Major  Wood,  and  effectually 
repulsed.  A  second  attack  was  also  repulsed,  when  the 
British  column  changed  its  direction  and  attacked  the 
western  angle,  but  with  as  little  success. 

In  the  mean  time  the  central  column  of  the  enemy 
pressed  on  the  line  of  intrenchment  between  the  batteries 
of  Towson  and  Williams ;  but,  like  the  first  column,  it 
was  soon  checked.  The  British  third  column  was,  for  a 
time  only,  more  successful.  After  several  repulses,  it  got 
possession  of  the  exterior  bastion  of  the  old  fort.  The 
Americans  attempted  to  regain  it,  but  failed.  Just  at 
this  moment,  a  quantity  of  cartridges  in  a  small  stone 
building  within  the  bastion,  exploded,  scattering  death 
and  confusion  around,  and  expelling  the  British  from  the 
fort.1  They  suffered  severely,  having  left  behind  a  large 
number  of  killed,  wounded,  and  prisoners.2  In  fine,  the 
British  were  most  gallantly  and  effectually  defeated,  in 
their  attempt  to  storm  Fort  Erie. 

On  the  2d  of  September,  General  Brown,  though  not  yet 
recovered  from  his  wounds,  resumed  the  command  of  his 
division.  After  a  full  examination  of  the  topographical 
position  of  Drummond's  lines,  he  thought  a  bold  and 

1  Gaines's  Official  Report,  7  Niles,  19. 

2  The  relative  loss  of  the  British  and  Americans  may  be  thus  stated 
from  official  reports — 

American  Loss.  British  Loss. 

Killed,               17  Killed,               57 

Wounded,         56  Wounded,       309 

Missing,            11  Missing,          539 


Total,  84  Total,  905 

Adjutant-General  Jones's  Adjutant- General  Baynes's 

Report.  Report. 


138  SORTIE  FROM  FORT  ERIE. 

vigorous  sortie  might  do  more  than  mere  defence,  in  re 
lieving  the  American  army  from  the  siege  of  the  enemy. 
Accordingly,  on  the  morning  of  the  17th  of  September, 
General  Brown  paraded  his  troops,  to  the  number  of 
about  two  thousand,  in  nearly  equal  proportions  of  regulars 
and  militia,  for  a  sortie  on  the  enemy's  works.  The 
army  of  Sir  Gordon  Drummond  had  then  invested  Fort 
Erie  regularly,  for  about  fifty  days.1  During  that  time, 
they  had  erected  regular  lines  and  batteries.  They  had 
bombarded  the  American  defences,  and  made,  as  we 
have  seen,  an  unsuccessful  attack  upon  them.  At  this 
time  they  had  erected  two  batteries,  and  were  about  to 
open  a  third.3  Their  force  was  divided  into  three  bri 
gades,  each  of  which  in  turn  guarded  the  batteries,  while 
the  other  two  were  encamped  about  two  miles  distant, 
out  of  reach  of  the  American  cannon,  but  near  enough 
to  support  the  troops  at  the  batteries. 

In  this  position  of  affairs,  General  Brown  determined 
to  storm  the  batteries,  destroy  the  cannon,  and  defeat  the 
brigade.3  At  half-past  two,  P.  M.,  of  the  17th,  the 
American  columns  sallied  out,  and  the  action  commenced. 
So  successful  was  this  enterprise,  that  in  thirty  minutes 
from  its  commencement,  batteries  numbered  2  and  3  were 
in  possession  of  the  Americans,  with  two  blockhouses. 
Soon  after,  No.  1  was  abandoned,  and  the  magazine  of 


1  General  Brown's  Official  Report,  7  Niles,  100.  *  Idem. 

*  This  is  General  Brown's  declared  object,  as  stated  iu  liis  official 
letter.  The  loss  of  the  respective  parties  was  nearly  as  follows :  the 
American  Official  Report  gives — killed,  79  ;  wounded,  216  ;  missing,  216  ; 
total,  511.  We  have  not  the  official  British  report;  but  the  prisoners 
taken  by  the  Americans  were  returned,  by  the  inspector-general,  at  385. 
General  Brown  stated  their  total  loss  at  near  a  thousand. 


RETREAT  OF  THE  ENEMY.  139 

No.  3  blown  up.  The  cannon  were  spiked  or  dismounted. 
All  the  labor  of  the  previous  investment  was  destroyed. 
So  great  was  the  British  loss,  that  it  became  apparent, 
that  the  siege  of  Fort  Erie  could  no  longer  be  protracted 
with  any  hope  of  success.1 

Accordingly,  Lieutenant-General  Drummond  broke  up 
his  camp  during  the  night  of  the  21st  of  September,  and 
retired  to  his  intrenchments  behind  the  Chippewa.2 

By  the  10th  of  November,  the  American  army  retired 
into  winter-quarters,  at  Buffalo,  and  the  war  on  the  Niag 
ara  frontier  was  in  fact  ended.  During  the  year  1814,  it 
had  been  a  succession  of  brilliant  military  actions,  in 
which  much  blood  was  shed,  and  much  of  courage, 
skill,  and  energy,  exhibited.  Taken  all  and  all,  no  cam 
paign  in  American  history  has  displayed  more  of  the 
qualities  of  mind  and  body,  art  and  science,  which  are 
necessary  to  the  character  of  a  true  soldier,  or  the  suc 
cess  of  an  army  in  action.  In  a  little  less  than  three 
months  the  army  of  Riall  and  Drummond,  twice  re 
newed  and  reinforced  by  troops  sent  from  Europe,  had 
been  defeated  in  four  pitched  battles  !  In  the  two  first 
of  these,  CHIPPEWA  and  NIAGARA,  where  the  armies  met 
in  open  field  fight,  SCOTT  was  the  real  leader,  the  man, 
as  Brown  said  in  his  report,  to  whom,  more  than  to  any 
other,  victory  was  due.  In  the  two  last  actions,  the  same 
army  was  engaged ;  and,  without  diminishing  aught  of 
the  praise  or  glory  due  to  others,  may  it  not  be  said,  that 
the  discipline  he  had  inculcated,  and  the  noble  example 
he  had  given,  were  the  parents  of  that  energy  and  good 


1  Brown's  Official  Report,  7  Niles,  100.  a  Idem. 


140  COMPARISON    OF   THE  TWO  ARMIES. 

conduct  with  which  the  army  of  Niagara  continued  to 
renew  its  glory  and  freshen  its  laurels  ? 

The  zeal,  courage,  firmness,  and  discipline,  with  which 
troops  perform  the  business  of  a  campaign,  encounter  its 
bloody  issues,  and  endure  the  perils  alike  of  death  or  de 
feat,  do  not  depend  on  numbers,  or  on  results  ;  but  on 
the  intrinsic  qualities  of  the  action,  and  the  degree  of  its 
danger,  detriment,  or  difficulty.  Thus,  in  the  combats 
on  the  Niagara  frontier,  there  was  extreme  personal 
danger,  there  was  great  coolness  and  self-command  in 
action,  and  there  was  a  discipline  and  a  fortitude,  which 
could  hardly  be  surpassed  in  the  most  veteran  armies, 
under  the  most  experienced  commanders. 

In  the  descriptions  we  have  given  of  the  several  battles 
the  numbers  engaged  on  either  side  are  stated  in  each 
one,  as  near  as  the  materials  preserved  by  history  will 
allow  us  to  estimate.  Both  armies  were,  however,  suc 
cessively  reinforced  by  fresh  troops.  It  is  therefore  diffi 
cult  to  say  how  many,  in  all,  were  engaged.  If  we  say 
that,  in  the  course  of  the  campaign,  there  were  six  thou 
sand  men  engaged  on  each  side,  we  shall,  probably,  not 
be  far  from  the  fact.  The  tabular  view  in  the  note,  of 
the  killed,  and  wounded,  and  prisoners,  will  afford  a  com 
parative  view  of  the  losses,  relative  to  each  army,  and  to 
the  aggregate  of  both.1 


American  Loss.    British  Loss. 

BATTLE  OF  CHIPPEWA,  fought  5th  July,  1814,        328  507 

BATTLE  OF  NIAGARA,  fought  25th  July,  1814,        860  878 

ASSAULT  ON  FORT  ERIE,  15th  August,  1814,  84  905 

SORTIE  FROM  FORT  ERIE,  17th  September,  1814,  511,  about  800 

Total,  1,783         3,090 


FIERCENESS  OF  THE  CONTESTS.  141 

The  British  loss  is  greater  than  the  American  in  about 
the  ratio  of  three  to  two.  If,  as  we  have  supposed,  the 
total  number  of  troops  engaged  in  the  several  battles,  on 
both  sides,  was  about  twelve  thousand,  it  follows  that 
nearly  one  half  this  whole  number  were  among  the  killed, 
wounded,  and  prisoners  !  This  is  a  loss  exceeding,  in 
proportion,  that  of  the  most  bloody  battles  of  Napoleon.1 

1  A  brief  notice  of  some  of  the  officers  who  survived  the  Niagara  cam 
paign,  and  who  have  not  been  before  specifically  referred  to,  may  not  be 
unacceptable  in  this  place. 

1.  The    commander,  BROWN,  so   much  distinguished,  was    called   to 
Washington   as   general-in-chief  of  the  whole   army,  in  1821.     He  was 
crippled  by  paralysis  the  same  year,  and  died  February  24,  1828. 

2.  E.  W.  Ripley,  resigned,  a  major-general,  by  brevet,  May,  1820 ; 
subsequently  was  a  member  of  the  twenty-fourth  Congress,  from  Louisi 
ana,  and  died  March  2,  1839. 

3.  Hugh  Brady,  now  long  a  brigadier-general,  by  brevet. 

4.  Wm.  McRee,  resigned,  a  colonel,  March,  1819  ;  appointed  surveyor- 
general  of  Missouri,  &c. ;  died  of  cholera,  in  1832. 

5.  Thomas  S.  Jesup,  now  long  quartermaster-general  of  the  army, 
with  the  brevet  of  major-general. 

6.  Henry  Leavenworth  died  a  brigadier-general,  by  brevet,  July  21, 
1834. 

7.  John  McNiel,  resigned,  a  brigadier-general  by  brevet,  April   23, 
1830  ;  now  surveyor,  &c.,  o'  the  customs  at  Boston. 

8.  Jacob  Hindman,  died  at  Baltimore,  a  colonel,  February  17,  1827. 

9.  Roger  Jones,  at  present  (and  long)   adjutant-general  of  the  army, 
and  brigadier-general  by  brevet. 


142          SCOTT'S  SUFFERINGS  FROM  HIS  WOUNDS. 


CHAPTER   XL 

1814  TO  1817. 

Scott's  Journey  from  Niagara  to  Philadelphia. — Is  received  at  Princeton 
with  Honors,  by  the  Faculty  and  Students  of  Nassau  Hall. — Receives 
the  Honorary  Degree  of  Master  of  Arts. — Pleasing  Incident  at  Com 
mencement. — Scott's  Journey  to  Europe. — Is  intrusted  with  Diplomatic 
Functions. — Correspondence  with  Kosciusko. — His  Marriage. 

WE  last  saw  Scott  on  the  field  of  Niagara.  He  was 
borne  from  that  scene  of  glory,  to  the  care  of  nurses 
and  surgeons,  a  wounded  and  suffering  soldier.  He  had 
been  wounded,  as  we  have  narrated,  first  by  a  spent  ball, 
in  the  side,  and  next  by  a  musket-ball  which  passed  di 
rectly  through  the  left  shoulder.  The  last  was  a  wound 
in  its  nature  serious  and  painful.  His  recovery  was,  for 
a  month,  very  doubtful.  He  lay,  in  great  agony,  at  Buf 
falo  and  Williamsville.  He  was  then  removed  to  the 
house  of  his  kind  friend,  Mr.  Brisbane,  in  Batavia. 

By  the  nursings  of  this  amiable  family,  he  became  able, 
at  the  end  of  some  weeks,  to  bear  the  motion  of  a  litter. 
In  that  way  he  was  taken,  on  the  shoulders  of  some  of 
the  gentlemen  of  the  country,  who  relieved  each  other 
from  town  to  town,  to  the  house  of  another  excellent 
friend,  the  late  Hon.  John  Nicholas,  of  Geneva.  Here 
again,  nothing  was  left  unattempted  which  skill  and  kind 
ness  could  devise,  for  the  restoration  of  the  wounded 
soldier. 


HIS  SLOW  AND  PAINFUL  JOURNEY.  143 

His  object  was  to  reach  Philadelphia,  and  there  place 
himself  under  the  care  of  that  distinguished  surgeon, 
the  late  Dr.  Physick,  and  the  no  less  distinguished 
physician  of  the  same  city,  Dr.  Chapman.  Both  of 
these  gentlemen  have  taken  a  patriotic  delight  in  min 
istering  professionally,  and  in  every  case  where  the 
patient  has  permitted  them  to  do  so,  gratuitously,  to 
those  who  have  sustained  injuries  in  the  cause  of  their 
country.1 

At  this  time,  September,  1814,  Philadelphia  and  Bal 
timore  were  threatened  with  an  attack  of  the  enemy.2 
Crippled  though  he  was,  Scott,  at  the  instance  of  the 
delegations  in  congress  from  Pennsylvania  and  Maryland, 
was  requested  by  the  war  department  to  take  at  least 
the  nominal  command  of  the  troops  assembled  for  the  de 
fence  of  those  cities.  Accompanied  by  his  aid-de-camp 
Worth,  (then  promoted  to  be  major  for  gallant  actions, 
and  since  general,)  the  hero  of  Chippewa  proceeded 
slowly  to  the  Atlantic.  Everywhere  on  the  route,  the 
suffering  representative  of  the  army  of  Niagara  was  re 
ceived,  by  patriotic  citizens,  with  the  highest  evidences 
of  their  esteem. 

At  the  classic  and  memorable  ground  of  Princeton,  an 
incident  occurred,  alike  adapted  to  cheer  the  heart  of  the 
disabled  soldier,  and  give  propriety  and  freshness  to  his 
reception  on  the  spot,  where  the  muse  of  history  has 


1  Dr.  Physick  was  quite  remarkable  for  his  regard  for  those  in  the  pub 
lic  service,  and  their  families,  refusing  compensation  from  the  families  of 
officers  engaged  in  public  service.  Dr.  Chapman  equally  merits  the  grati 
tude  of  the  army  for  similar  liberality  and  kindness. 

*  The  British  had  previously  been  repelled  from  Baltimore  ;  but  a  new 
attack  was  anticipated. 


144  SCOTT'S  RECEPTION  AT  PRINCETON. 

not  disdained  to  dwell  in  the  humble  abodes  of  philoso 
phy.1  . 

The  annual  commencement  at  the  College  of  New 
Jersey  (Nassau  Hall)  happened  to  occur  on  the  day  Scott 
reached  Princeton.  Upon  quitting  the  carriage,  he  was 
supported  to  a  bed,  intending,  by  easy  stages  and  proper 
care,  to  reach  Philadelphia.  It  was  soon  whispered  about, 
that  General  Scott  had  entered  the  town.  The  faculty 
of  the  college  immediately  sent  a  deputation  to  the  hotel 
to  invite  his  attendance  at  the  church.  He  suffered  him 
self  to  be  carried  thither.  Pale  and  meager,  his  left 
shoulder  swollen  and  bandaged,  his  arm  in  a  sling,  and 
his  furred  surtout  flung  over  his  person,  the  invalid  with 
difficulty  ascended  the  stage  where  the  exercises  were 
performed. 

There,  the  president,  trustees,  and  other  dignitaries  of 
the  college,  were  waiting  his  slow  approach,  amidst  learn 
ing,  beauty,  and  fashion,  collected  from  far  and  near. 
The  hands  and  kerchiefs  of  the  ladies,  as  well  as  the 
voices  of  men,  including  hundreds  of  enthusiastic  stu 
dents,  were  in  constant  exercise.  The  rafters  of  the  old 
edifice  rang  and  re-echoed  with  applause. 

In  Nassau  Hall,  it  is  customary  to  select  the  most 
graceful  and  elegant  speaker  to  deliver  the  valedictory 
address.  On  this  day,  the  orator  of  the  valedictory  was 


1  General  Mercer  fell  on  the  battle-ground  of  Princeton.  His  full- 
length  portrait  is,  or  was,  hung  in  the  chapel  of  Nassau  Hall,  reviving 
continually  in  the  minds  of  its  students,  memories  of  the  glorious  Revo 
lution.  President  Witherspoon  left  these  academic  shades  of  Princeton 
to  join  the  revolutionary  congress,  and  there  he  put  his  name  to  that 
immortal  instrument  which  shall  endure  while  the  history  of  nations  shall 
endure. 


THE  "  GOOD  CITIZEN  IN  PEACE  AND  WAR."  145 

Bloomfieid  M'llvaine,  Esq.1  His  theme  was  "  The  pub 
lic  duties  of  a  good  citizen  in  peace  and  war" — a  subject 
well  adapted  to  the  then  situation  of  the  country,  and  not 
improper  at  any  time.  Towards  the  close  of  his  oration, 
the  speaker  turned  to  Scott,  and  in  the  most  graceful  and 
extemporaneous  oratory,  made  him  the  personification  of 
the  civic  and  heroic  virtues.  Nothing  could  have  been 
more  happily  adapted  to  the  person  and  the  subject.  The 
sympathies  of  the  audience  burst  forth  in  applause,  alike 
to  the  young  and  disabled  general  who  was  personified, 
and  to  the  eloquent  and  enthusiastic  student  whose  ready 
genius  had  paid  so  just  and  beautiful  a  tribute. 

After  a  brief  consultation  by  the  president  and  trustees 
of  the  college,  General  Scott  was  complimented  with  the 
honorary  degree  of  Master  of  Arts.  Coming  from  the 
trustees  of  New  Jersey  College,  this  was  a  meaning  and 
pointed  compliment.  They  had  never  made  the  mistake 
of  conferring  honorary  degrees  inapt  to  the  person  com 
plimented  and  the  services  renderedt  As  a  member  of 
the  bar,  distinguished  in  another  liney&rr  the  science  as 
well  as  the  art  of  war,  the  honorary  degree  of  Master  of 
Arts  was  deserved,  and  it  was  not  foreign  to  the  desert. 

At  Philadelphia,  Governor  Snyder  marched  out,  at  the 
head  of  a  division  of  militia,  to  receive  him.  From  thence, 
Scott  passed  on  to  Baltimore,2  then  threatened  with  an- 


1  Bloomfieid  M'llvaine  (since  dead)  became  an  eminent  lawyer  of  Phila 
delphia.  He  was  the  brother  of  Charles  M'llvaine,  Episcopal  Bishop  of 
Ohio ;  also  of  Joseph  M'llvaine,  Recorder  of  Philadelphia  ;  and  of  two 
others,  one  a  merchant  in  the  West,  and  the  other  also  a  lawyer  in  Phila 
delphia. 

3  The  attack  on  Baltimore  took  place  between  the  llth  and  15lh  Sep 
tember,  1814. 

10 


146  SCOTT  EMPLOYED  AT  WASHINGTON. 

other  attack  from  the  British,  where  his  shoulder  was 
finally  healed,  by  that  distinguished  surgeon  Dr.  Gibson, 
now  a  professor  in  the  University  of  Pennsylvania. 

On  the  16th  of  October,  1814,  he  assumed  the  com 
mand  of  the  tenth  military  district,  whose  head-quarters 
were  at  Washington  City.1  Here,  and  at  Baltimore,  he 
passed  the  early  part  of  the  winter  of  1814-15,  the  time 
which  intervened  before  the  arrival  of  the  treaty  of  peace. 
At  that  time,  he  was  called  upon  to  furnish  plans  for  the 
general  conduct  of  the  anticipated  campaign  of  1815,  as 
well  as  a  particular  one  for  the  northern  frontier. 

In  February,  1815,  the  treaty  of  peace  arrived  in 
Washington.2  Soon  after  this,  General  Scott  was  in 
quired  of,  whether  he  would  take  the  department  of  war, 
as  its  secretary.  This  he  declined,  cheerfully  admitting 
to  the  president,  that  he  was  too  young  for  that.  He 
was  then  requested  to  act  as  secretary,  holding  his  rank 
in  the  army,  till  the  arrival  of  the  Hon.  William  H.  Craw 
ford,  (then  minister  at  Paris,)  who  received  the  appoint 
ment.  This  also  he  declined,  from  feelings  of  delicacy 
towards  his  seniors,  Major-Generals  Brown  and  Jackson, 
the  secretary  being  at  that  time,  under  the  President,  the 
immediate  commander  of  the  army.3 

About  this  time  also,  he  assisted  in  reducing  the  army 


1  General  Orders,  16th  October,  1814,  7  Niles,  95. 

2  The  Treaty  of  Peace  was  signed  the  24th  December,  1814,  and  rati 
fied  by  the  Senate,  17th  February,  1815.     See  Treaty,  7  Niles,  397. 

8  By  article  2d,  section  2d,  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  the 
President  is  the  commauder-in-chief  of  the  army  and  navy  of  the  United 
States,  and  of  the  militia  of  the  several  states,  when  called  into  actual 
service.  This  power  he  can  exercise  through  subordinates,  and  does  so,  by 
the  military  degrees,  from  secretary  downwards. 


SENT  TO   EUROPE  WITH  INSTRUCTIONS.  147 

from  the  war  to  the  peace  establishment,  a  service  of  no 
small  delicacy.  This  performed,  and  being  yet  feeble 
from  his  wounds,  he  went  to  Europe,  by  order  of  the 
government,  both  for  the  restoration  of  his  health  and  for 
professional  improvement. 

He  was  also  confidentially  intrusted  with  diplomatic 
functions,  of  which  the  object  was  to  ascertain  the  temper 
and  views  of  certain  courts,  respecting  the  revolutionary 
struggles  then  commenced  in  the  Spanish  provinces  of 
America,  and  the  apprehended  designs  of  Great  Britain 
upon  the  island  of  Cuba,  both  at  that  time  subjects  of  no  little 
solicitude  to  the  cabinet  at  Washington.1  For  this  pur 
pose  he  was  furnished  with  letters  to  some  of  the  minis 
ters,  or  other  principal  men,  in  Russia,  France,  and  Eng 
land.  He  succeeded  so  well  in  executing  his  instructions, 
that  President  Madison  caused  the  Secretary  of  State  to 
write  him  a  very  particular  letter  of  thanks  for  the  infor 
mation  communicated. 

In  the  course  of  his  abode  in  Europe,  he  received, 
through  Baron  Hottingeur,  an  autograph  letter  from  the 
renowned  KOSCIUSKO.  It  was  addressed  to  the  baron,  at 
Paris.  Having  procured  a  copy,  we  insert  it  here,  in  re 
gard  both  to  him  who  wrote  it,  and  him  to  whom  it  was 
written.2 


1  It  was  about  eight  years  subsequent  to  this  period,  and  with  a  view  to 
the  same  subjects,  President  Monroe  promulgated  his  declaration,  that  the 
continent  of  America  was  no  longer  the  subject  of  European  colonization. 

2  KOSCIUSKO  is  one  of  the  few  names  not  born  to  die.     There  have  been 
few  persons  in  modern  times  more  widely  known,  or  renowned,  than  the 
hero- of  Poland.     He  was  connected  with  two  revolutions — that  of  America 
and  that  of  Poland.     The  melancholy  issue  of  the  last  has  connected  him 
with  both  the  affections  of  grief  and  admiration,  drawing  at  once  a  laurel 


148  LETTER  FROM  KOSCIUSKO. 

TRANSLATION. 

"  Sir- 
May  I  beg  you  to  express  to  General  Scott  my 
great  regrets  that,  owing  to  a  severe  indisposition,  I  am 
unable  to  leave  Soleure  ;l  otherwise  it  would  afford  me 
the  highest  gratification  to  meet  him  half  way  between 
this  and  Paris,  to  make  his  acquaintance  ;  the  more  so  as 


from  history  and  a  sigh  from  song.  The  last  hast  been  so  impressively 
fixed  on  the  American  mind,  by  the  muse  of  Campbell,  that  his  lines 
are  almost  as  familiar  as  the  tales  of  the  nursery — 

"  Oh !  bloodiest  picture  in  the  book  of  time, 
Sarmatia  fell,  unwept,  without  a  crime  ; 
Found  not  a  generous  friend,  a  pitying  foe, 
Strength  in  her  arms,  nor  mercy  in  her  wo ! 
Dropped  from  her  nerveless  grasp  the  shattered  spear, 
Closed  her  bright  eye,  and  curbed  her  high  career ! 
Hope,  for  a  season,  bade  the  world  farewell, 
And  freedom  shrieked  as  Kosciusko  fell !" 

Kosciusko  died,  just  two  years  after  the  above  letter  was  written  to  Scott, 
it  is  said  by  a  fall  from  a  horse. 

At  no  more  than  twenty  years  of  age,  he  was  appointed  a  colonel  of 
engineers  in  the  American  service,  and  as  such,  served  in  our  revolutionary 
war.  He  fortified  the  camp  of  General  Gates,  in  the  campaign  against 
Burgoyne,  and  subsequently  erected  works  at  West  Point.  After  the 
Revolution  in  Poland,  he  revisited  the  United  States,  where  he  was  received 
with  honor,  and  had  also  a  grant  of  lands  from  Congress.  He  returned 
to  West  Point,  and  there  made  a  little  garden  on  a  shelf  of  rock  looking 
down  on  the  Hudson,  and  overhung  with  the  evergreen  cedar.  With  the 
evergreen  he  mingled  the  lilac  and  the  rose.  There,  on  a  neighboring 
point,  the  cadets  of  the  military  academy  have  erected  his  monument,  of 
white  marble,  shining  in  the  sunbeam.  His  only  epitaph  is  ••  KOSCIUSKO." 

1  Kosciusko  was  then  in  Switzerland,  where  he  died,  on  the  16th  of 
October,  1817. 


SCOTT  RETURNS  HOME.  149 

he  is  charged  by  his  government  with  the  collection  of 
information  upon  military  subjects.  I  have  done  myself 
the  pleasure  to  introduce  him  to  Monsieur  Carnot,  as 
a  general  more  capable  than  any  other  to  give  him 
clear  and  precise  ideas  upon  military  matters,  as.  en 
gineering,  and  the  choice  of  books  proper  to  form  a 
library  for  the  study  of  those  subjects.  I  have  also  given 
him  letters  to  the  Marshals  McDonald,  Oudinot,  Dupont, 
&c.  They  will  be  able  to  enlighten  him  upon  the  sub 
ject  of  the  greater  operations  of  armies  ;  what  positions 
to  seize,  and  how  to  defend  them ;  and  finally  what 
measures  are  necessary  in  all  possible  cases,  to  procure 
supplies  and  ammunition  for  an  army,  and  the  best  meth 
ods  to  discipline  the  troops. 

Be  pleased  to  convey  my  compliments  to  General 
Scott,  and  especially  for  his  victories  in  Canada.  I  hope 
the  Americans  will  follow  his  example — his  courage,  his 
energy,  and  his  virtues. 

Accept  the  assurances  of  my 
distinguished  consideration, 

T.  KOSCIUSKO." 

SOLEURE,  12th  October,  1815. 

General  Scott  made  good  use  of  his  opportunities  for 
society  and  instruction,  while  in  Europe.  He  arrived  in 
France,  by  way  of  England,  soon  after  the  battle  of  Water 
loo.  There  he  associated  much  with  the  distinguished 
men  of  letters  and  of  science  in  Paris.  He  attended 
courses  of  public  lectures,  visited  the  fortresses  and  naval 
establishments  in  the  west  of  Europe,  and  returned  home 
in  1816,  taking  Great  Britain  on  his  way. 

On  the  arrival  of  General  Scott  in  the  United  States, 
10* 


150  SCOTT  TAKES  COMMAND  OP  THE  SEABOARD. 

he  was  assigned  to  the  command  of  the  seaboard.  His 
head-quarters  were  at  the  city  of  New  York.  In  that 
city,  and  near  it,  at  Elizabethtown,  New  Jersey,  and  in 
the  same  command,  with  the  exception  of  two  years  in 
the  West,  he  resided  during  the  next  twenty  years. 

In  March,  1817,  General  Scott  was  married  to  Miss 
MARIA  MAYO,  daughter  of  John  Mayo,  Esq.,  of  Richmond, 
Virginia — a  lady  whose  charms  and  accomplishments  are 
widely  known.  They  have  had  several  daughters,  but  no 
living  son. 


ADMIRATION  OF  MEN  FOR  THE  BRAVE.       151 


CHAPTER    XII. 

Scott's  Promotions. — Resolution  of  Congress. — Presentation  of  the  Medal 
by  President  Monroe. — Inscription. — Resolutions  of  Virginia. — Scott's 
Correspondence  with  Governor  Nicholas. — Resolutions  of  New  York. — 
Presentation  of  a  Sword,  and  the  Address,  by  Governor  Tompkins. — 
Scott  a  Member  of  the  Cincinnati. 

THE  war  of  1812  being  now  ended,  and  Scott  having 
passed  from  the  battle-field  to  the  domestic  fireside,  it  is 
fit  we  should  here  review  some  of  the  promotions,  com 
pliments,  and  honors',  which  his  country  and  countrymen, 
at  various  times,  bestowed  upon  him,  for  his  gallant  and 
successful  conduct.  Whether  it  be  a  weakness  or  an  in 
firmity  of  human  nature,  as  some  suppose,  or  a  right 
and  generous  emotion  of  justice  and  gratitude,  as  others 
think,  it  is  certainly  a  natural  and  universal  element  of 
human  society,  to  reward  with  uncommon  honors  those  who 
have  risked  their  lives,  and  endured  hardships  for  their 
country.  If  it  be  sweet  and  decorous,  as  the  poet  thought, 
to  die  for  one's  country,1  mankind  seem  to  be  agreed, 
that  it  is  equally  decorotis  and  honorable  to  reward  those 
who  have  offered  to  die  and  yet  survived,  for  the  hazards 
they  encountered  and  the  sufferings  they  endured. 

Scott  entered  the  army  in  1808,  at  twenty-two  years 
of  age.  In  1814,  when  only  twenty-eight,  he  had  ascend- 

1  " dulce  et  decorum  est  pro  patria  mori." 


152  TOO  YOUNG  FOR  A  GENERAL. 

ed  to  the  highest  military  rank,  that  of  major-general, 
which  is  attainable  in  the  United  States.  In  a  very  short 
time  also,  he  was  distinguished  by  honors  and  memorials, 
from  various  civil  bodies  and  public  authorities,  such  as 
have  been  seldom  conferred  upon  one  person,  and  upon 
one  so  young — perhaps  never. 

In  the  spring  of  1812,  when,  at  the  near  prospect  of 
war,  the  army  was  augmented,  and  while  Scott  was  yet 
in  New  Orleans,  the  Virginia  delegation  in  Congress  pre 
sented  his  name  to  the  executive  for  a  lieutenant-colonel 
cy.  President  Madison  remarked,  that  he  knew  Scott, 
and  thought  highly  of  his  merits  ;  but  that  he  was  too 
young  for  a  greater  rank  than  that  of  major.  The  objec 
tion  was,  however,  overcome,  and  he  was  made  lieutenant- 
colonel. 

His  conduct  in  the  campaign  of  1812,  already  narrated, 
brought  his  name  again  before  the  President  for  the  ap 
pointment  of  colonel.  This  promotion  was  strongly 
urged  by  certain  general  officers  of  the  army,  and  by  the 
then  Secretary  of  War,  General  Armstrong.  The  Presi 
dent  now  admitted,  that  Scott  had  shown  himself  an 
excellent  lieutenant-colonel,  but  doubted  whether  he 
was  old  enough  to  command  a  double  regiment — the 
second  artillery.  He  was,  however,  appointed  to  the 
vacancy  on  the  2d  of  March,  1813. 

After  the  campaign  of  1813,  Scott  was  again  brought 
forward  by  the  same  parties  who  had  virged  his  promo 
tion  before.  Mr.  Madison  again  made  the  same  admis 
sion  and  objection  as  before,  and  again  yielded.  Scott 
was  appointed  brigadier-general,  March  9th,  1814,  in  his 
twenty-eighth  year. 

In  a  little  more  than  four  months  from  that  date,  the 


RESOLUTION  OF  CONGRESS. 

battles  of  CHIPPEWA  and  NIAGARA  were  fought  and  won. 
Then,  Scott's  name  was  uttered  by  all  voices.  It  was 
presented,  of  course,  for  further  promotion.  There  was 
but  one  higher  grade.  The  President  replied  with  a 
smile — "  Put  him  down  a  major-general.  I  have  done 
with  objections  to  his  youth !" 

The  testimony  of  legislative  bodies,  and  of  men  en 
gaged  in  civil  and  peaceful  duties,  to  the  merit  and  ser 
vices  of  Scott,  were  not  less  strong  than  those  of  the 
executive  and  the  military  functionaries. 

Near  the  close  of  the  war,  Nov.  3d,  1814,  Congress 
passed  a  vote  of  thanks,  in  which  Scott  was  not  only 
specifically  complimented  for  his  skill  and  gallantry,  in 
the  conflicts  of  Chippewa  and  Niagara,  but  for  his  uni 
form  good  conduct  throughout  the  war — a  compliment 
paid  by  Congress  to  no  other  officer. 


RESOLUTION  OP  CONGRESS,  APPROVED  NOV.  3D,   1814. 

"  Resolved,  that  the  President  of  the  United  States  be 
requested  to  cause  a  gold  medal  to  be  struck,  with  suit 
able  emblems  and  devices,  and  presented  to  Major-Gen 
eral  Scott,  in  testimony  of  the  high  sense  entertained  by 
Congress  of  his  distinguished  services,  in  the  successive 
conflicts  of  Chippewa  and  Niagara,  and  of  his  uniform 
gallantry  and  good  conduct  in  sustaining  the  reputation 
of  the  arms  of  the  United  States." 

The  medal  thus  ordered  by  Congress,  was  not  pre 
sented  till  the  close  of  Mr.  Monroe's  administration.  On 
that  occasion,  the  following  proceedings  took  place  : 


154  PRESIDENT  MONROE'S  ADDRESS. 

Executive  Mansion,  February  26,  1825  ;  } 
in  the  presence  of  the  Cabinet,  and  of  > 
many  other  distinguished  persons.  j 

PRESIDENT  MONROE'S  ADDRESS. 

"  General  Scott — Your  conduct  in  the  late  war  merited 
and  obtained,  in  a  high  degree,  the  approbation  of  Con 
gress  and  your  country.  In  the  battles  of  Chippewa  and 
Niagara,  in  Upper  Canada,  in  the  campaign  of  1814,  your 
daring  enterprise  and  gallantry  in  action  were  eminently 
conspicuous. 

"  In  rendering  justice  to  you,  I  recur  with  pleasure  to 
the  report  made  of  those  actions  by  the  military  com 
mander,  the  most  competent  judge  of  your  merit.  In  the 
battle  of  Chippewa,  he  says,  you  are  entitled  to  the  highest 
praise  your  country  can  bestow  ;  and  that  we  are  indebted 
to  you,  more  than  to  any  other  person,  for  the  victory  ob 
tained  in  it. 

"  In  the  battle  of  Niagara  you  commenced  the  action, 
and  your  gallantry  in  several  severe  encounters,  until  dis 
abled  by  severe  wounds,  was  equally  distinguished.  As 
a  testimonial  of  the  high  sense  entertained  by  Congress 
of  your  merit  in  those  actions,  I  have  the  pleasure  to  pre 
sent  you  this  medal." 

MAJOR-GENERAL  SCOTT's  REPLY. 

"  With  a  deep  sense  of  the  additional  obligation  now 
contracted,  I  accept,  at  the  hands  of  the  venerable  chief 
magistrate  of  the  Union,  this  classic  token  of  the  highest 
reward  that  a  freeman  can  receive — THE  RECORDED  AP 
PROBATION  OF  HIS  COUNTRY. 


'.,     .  "V 

GENERA  SCOTT'S  REPLY.  155 

"  If,  in  the  resolve  of  Congress,  or  in  your  address,  sir, 
my  individual  services  have  been  over-estimated,  not  so 
the  achievements  of  that  gallant  body  of  officers  and  men, 
whom  in  battle  it  was  my  good  fortune  to  command,  and 
of  whom  I  am,  on  this  interesting  occasion,  the  honored 
representative. 

"  Very  many  of  those  generous  spirits  breathed  their 
last  on  the  fields  which  their  valor  assisted  to  win ;  and 
of  the  number  that  happily  survive,  there  is  not  one,  I  dare 
affirm,  who  will  not  be  ready  in  peace,  as  in  war,  to  devote 
himself  to  the  liberties  and  the  glory  of  the  country. 

"  And  you,  sir,  whom  I  have  the  honor  officially  to 
address  for  the  last  time  j1  you  who  bled  in  the  first,  and 
powerfully  contributed  to  the  second  War  of  Independ 
ence  ;  you  who  have  toiled  fifty  years  to  rear  and  to 
establish  the  liberties  of  this  great  republic — permit  an 
humble  actor  in  a  much  shorter  period  of  its  history,  to 
mingle  his  prayers  with  those  of  millions,  for  the  happy 
but  distant  termination  of  a  life,  of  which,  as  yet,  others 
have  enjoyed  the  distinguished  benefits,  whilst  the  cares 
have  been  all  your  own." 

The  medal  is  a  beautiful  specimen  of  the  numismatic 

art.    It  is  large  and  of  massive  gold.    The  drawing  shows 

both  faces  of  the  medal  and  its  exact  dimensions.     The 

portrait  of  the  general,  in  relievo,  is  true  to  life.     The  jn- 

%scription  on  the  reverse  face,  as  shown  in  the  drawing, 

1  Mr.  Monroe  retired  from  the  presidency  only  five  days  later  than  this 
presentation,  on  the  3d  March,  1825. 

It  was  the  melancholy  fortune  of  General  Scott  to  close  the  eyes  of  the 
venerable  ex-president,  in  New  York,  at  three  P.  M.  of  July  4th,  1831. 

It  is  one  of  the  most  singular  incidents  in  history,  that  Adams,  Jefferson, 
and  Monroe,  should  all  have  died  on  July  4th. 


155*  THE  MEDAL. 

is  surrounded  with  a  wreath  of  palm  and  laurel,  entwined 
about  a  serpent  formed  into  a  circle — emblem  of  youth 
and  immortality,  or  youth  crowned  with  victory.  It  is  a 
cherished  memorial  of  national  gratitude. 

There  is  an  incident  connected  with  this  medal  which 
we  cannot  forbear  to  relate.  It  is  not  an  item  of  general 
history,  and  possibly  may  not  be  interesting  to  the  general 
reader.  It  illustrates,  however,  a  great  principle  of 
human  action.  It  indicates  how  deeply  the  feeling  of 
reverence  for  distinguished  and  brilliant  services  sinks 
into  the  heart,  and  how  pure  that  feeling  may  remain 
when  other  and  kindred  virtues  have  yielded  to  temptation. 

This  medal  was  deposited  by  General  Scott  many 
years  since,  for  safe  keeping,  in  the  City  Bank  of  the  city 
of  New  York.  Some  time  after,  the  bank  was  entered 
by  false  keys,  and  robbed  of  bullion  and  other  funds  to 
the  large  amount  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  dollars. 

The  first  clerk,  on  entering  the  bank  the  day  after  the 
robbery,  discovered  that  the  safe  had  been  forced,  and 
soon  ascertained  the  extent  of  the  loss.  On  examining 
the  trunk  in  which  the  medal  was  deposited,  he  found,  to 
his  suprise  and  delight,  that  the  medal  was  safe,  though 
every  dollar  of  the  bullion  deposited  with  it  had  been 
taken.  The  matter  was  inexplicable  to  the  officers  of  the 
bank.  The  robber  had  burst  open  the  trunk,  stripped  it 
of  its  valuable  contents,  opened  the  case  which  enclosed 
the  medal,  and  yet  left  that  large  piece  of  massive  gold 
behind.  No  motive  could  be  discovered  for  such  an 
act.  The  robber  was  finally  arrested,  the  funds  recov 
ered,  and  the  law  satisfied  by  a  full  term  of  service  in  the 
state  prison. 

At  a  subsequent  period,  in  passing  down  the  Hudson 


156  PATRIOTISM  REMAINS. 

River,  on  board  a  steamboat,  General  Scott's  purse  was 
abstracted  from  his  pocket.  The  fact  being  made  known 
to  the  chief  of  the  police,  the  money  was  soon  discovered 
and  restored.  It  was  during  the  progress  of  this  investi 
gation  that  the  burglar  who  had  robbed  the  City  Bank 
reproached  his  confederates  with  their  want  of  honorable 
bearing.  He  said,  "  that  when  he  took  the  money  from 
the  City  Bank  he  saw  and  well  knew  the  value  of  the 
medal,  but  scorned  to  take  from  the  soldier  what  had  been 
given  by  the  gratitude  of  his  country." 

This  incident  is  a  curious  phenomenon  in  the  operations 
of  the  human  mind.  A  man  who  made  theft  and  robbery 
his  profession,  and  felt  no  compunctions  in  seizing  on  the 
property  of  others,  gropes  his  way  with  a  dark  lantern, 
through  damp  vaults  and  narrow  passes,  until  at  length 
he  reaches  the  object  of  his  hopes.  He  breaks  the  locks, 
and  his  dim  light  discovers  bags  of  gold.  He  seizes  them 
with  avidity.  In  his  search  he  discovers  the.  medal  of  a 
patriot  soldier.  One  current  of  virtuous  feeling  had  not 
been  corrupted.  He  replaces  the  treasure,  and  rejoices 
that  he  yet  loves  his  country  and  honors  her  defenders. 

In  February,  1816,  both  houses  of  the  Virginia  legisla 
ture  passed  unanimously  a  vote  of  thanks  to  General 
Scott,  for  his  uniform  good  conduct  in  the  war.  At  the 
same  time  the  governor  was  directed  to  procure  a  suitable 
sword,  with  proper  emblems  and  devices,  and  have  the 
same  presented  to  him  as  a  memorial  of  their  high  estima 
tion  of  his  conduct. 

RESOLUTIONS  OF  THE  VIRGINIA  LEGISLATURE. 

4<  Resolved  unanimously,  by  the  Senate  and  House  of 
Delegates  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Virginia,  in  general 


RESOLUTIONS  OF  VIRGINIA.  157 

assembly  convened,  that  the  governor  be,  and  he  is  here 
by  requested,  to  present  the  thanks  of  this  general  assem 
bly  to  Major-General  WINFIELD  SCOTT,  a  native  citizen 
of  this  state,  for  his  uniform  good  conduct  in  sustaining 
the  military  reputation  of  the  United  States,  in  every  con 
flict  or  engagement  in  which  he  was  present  during  the 
late  war  with  England,  but  more  especially  in  the  suc 
cessive  engagements  of  Chippewa  and  Niagara. 

"  Resolved,  also  unanimously,  that  the  governor  be,  and 
he  is  hereby  requested  to  cause  a  suitable  sword,  with 
proper  emblems  and  devices  thereon,  to  be  presented  to 
Major-General  SCOTT,  as  a  mark  of  the  high  opinion  this 
assembly  entertains  of  his  gallantry  and  distinguished 
services,  in  the  battles  of  Chippewa  and  Niagara. 

"  Resolved,  also  unanimously,  that  the  governor  be,  and 
he  is  hereby  requested  to  forward  to  MAJOR-GENERAL 
SCOTT  a  copy  of  these  resolutions,  and  to  present,  through 
him,  the  thanks  of  this  assembly  to  his  gallant  associates 
in  arms,  during  the  campaign  of  1814. 

"  Unanimously  agreed  to  in  both  houses, 
February  12,  1816. 

WM.  MUMFORD,  C.  H.  D." 

LETTER  FROM    GOVERNOR   NICHOLAS    OF  VIRGINIA,  TO  GEN 
ERAL  SCOTT. 

"  RICHMOND,  May  31, 1816. 
"  Sir— 

I  have  the  honor  to  communicate  to  you  the  enclosed 
Resolutions  of  the  General  Assembly  of  Virginia,  by 
which  they  unanimously  testify  their  high  sense  of  your 
gallant  services,  in  every  conflict  or  engagement  in  which 
you  were  present  during  the  late  war  with  England,  and 


158  LETTER  OF  GOVERNOR  NICHOLAS. 

especially  in  the  successive  engagements  of  Chippewa 
and  Niagara.  The  sentiments  of  the  General  Assembly 
are  best  expressed  by  their  resolutions ;  but  I  cannot  deny 
myself  the  pleasure  of  declaring  how  cordially  I  concur 
in  their  testimony  to  your  distinguished  merits,  and  of 
expressing  my  earnest  hopes,  that  you  may  long  continue 
to  enjoy  the  fruits  of  your  well-earned  reputation.  I  beg 
leave,  through  you,  sir,  to  present  the  thanks  of  the 
General  Assembly  of  Virginia  to  your  gallant  associates 
in  arms,  during  the  campaign  of  1814,  for  the  noble 
manner  in  which  they  sustained  the  military  reputation 
of  their  country. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be, 

With  the  greatest  respect, 
Sir, 

Your  humble  servant, 
W.  C.  NICHOLAS." 

"  Major-General  Winfield  Scott." 

REPLY  OF  GENERAL  SCOTT. 

"  NEW  YORK,  June  26,  1816. 

"  Sir— 

I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of 
your  Excellency's  letter  of  the  31st  ultimo,  covering  cer 
tain  Resolutions  of  the  General  Assembly  of  Virginia, 
approbatory  of  my  military  conduct  during  the  late  war, 
in  general,  but  more  particularly  in  the  campaign  of  1814, 
in  which  my  gallant  associates  in  arms  are  included. 

"  I  am  most  sensibly  alive  to  the  good  opinion  of  my 
countrymen  of  Virginia — a  state  to  which  I  am  proud  to 
owe  my  birth,  and  whatever  of  zeal  or  patriotism  I  may 
be  supposed  to  have  shown  in  the  late  common  struggle 
of  the  Union.  That  my  humble  exertions  have  attracted 


PRESENTATION  OF  THE  SWORD.  159 

the  notice  and  received  the  approbation  of  the  General 
Assembly  of  Virginia,  is  to  me  a  proud  distinction — one 
that  will  bind  me  still  more  strongly  to  those  to  whom  I 
was  before  allied  by  common  interests,  principles,  and 
nativity. 

"  I  beg  your  Excellency  to  accept  my  best  acknowledg 
ments,  for  the  very  kind  and  flattering  terms  in  which  you 
have  been  pleased  to  communicate  the  sentiments  of 
the  Legislature,  and  believe  me  to  be, 

With  the  highest  respect  and  consideration, 
Your  Excellency's 

Obedient  and  humble  servant, 
WINFIELD  SCOTT." 

"  His  Excellency  Wilson  C.  Nicholas." 

The  sword  which  the  General  Assembly  of  Virginia 
had  directed  the  Governor  of  Virginia  to  procure  for 
General  Scott,  was  not,  from  some  accidental  causes,  pre 
sented  to  General  Scott  till  the  year  1825.  In  that  year, 
it  was  presented  by  Governor  Pleasants,  to  whom  Scott 
made  a  suitable  reply,  which  we  subjoin. 

GENERAL  SCOTT's  REPLY  TO  GOVERNOR  PLEASANTS,  ON  THE 
PRESENTATION  OF  A  SWORD,  IN  1825. 

"  Sir- 
In  the  part  which  it  was  my  lot  to  bear  in  the 
late  war,  I  should  have  deemed  myself  as  still  unfortu 
nate,  whatever  success  I  might  have  obtained,  or  what 
ever  honors  might  have  been  accorded  to  me  elsewhere, 
if  I  had  failed  to  win  the  approbation  of  my  native  state. 
But  from  this  I  have  been  happily  spared — Virginia,  with 
parental  kindness,  has  deemed  me  one  of  her  sons  who 

11 


160  DESCRIPTION  OF  THE  SWORD. 

endeavored  well  in  the  second  great  triumph  of  our  free 
institutions. 

"  The  law  which  gave  my  name  to  a  county ;  the 
thanks  voted  by  the  General  Assembly  ;  and  this  sword 
which  I  now  have  the  honor  to  receive  at  your  hands,  in 
the  presence  of  the  executive  council,  are  the  precious 
evidences  of  that  partiality.  Sir — they  are  appreciated 
by  me  in  the  spirit  in  which  they  are  bestowed,  as  incul 
cating  the  first  lesson  of  a  citizen-soldier,  that,  as  liberty 
is  the  greatest  of  blessings,  so  should  he  ever  hold  him 
self  armed  in  her  defence,  and  ready  to  sacrifice  his  life 
in  her  cause  !" 

The  sword  which  the  Legislature  of  Virginia  thus  pre 
sented,  was  of  the  most  beautiful  kind,  mounted  with  the 
finest  gold,  and  surrounded  with  devices  classical,  enig 
matical,  and  historical,  well  chosen,  and  adapted  to  the 
actor  and  the  actions  it  was  intended  to  honor  and  com 
memorate.1 


1  The  Richmond  Enquirer  of  that  date  has  a  minute  account  of  the 
sword  and  its  embellishments.  We  subjoin  that  part  of  the  account 
which  is  descriptive  of  the  Historical  embellishments  of  the  blade. 

"  If  the  external  ornaments  be  classical,  those  on  the  blade,  which  is 
the  soul  of  the  weapon,  are  historical.  First,  we  have  on  one  side  a  scene 
from  the  battle  of  Niagara,  representing  the  moment  after  Miller  had 
carried  the  battery :  General  Scott  is  seen  at  the  head  of  his  shattered 
but  still  intrepid  brigade,  and  mounting  another  charger,  his  first  being 
literally  torn  from  under  him  by  a  cannon-shot.  It  was  a  moment  when 
victory  seemed  dependent  upon  the  uncommon  exertions  of  some  heroic 
spirit,  and  the  effect  produced  upon  the  troops  by  the  general's  falling, 
and  finally  reappearing,  was  electrical.  This  delineation  is  followed  by 
an  eagle  between  two  scrolls;  on  the  first,  'Chippewa,  5th  July,  1814;' 
on  the  other,  '  Niagara,  25th  July,  1814.'  On  the  opposite  side  of  the 
blade,  we  have,  '  Presented  by  the  Commonwealth  of  Virginia  to  Major- 


GOVERNOR  TOMPKINS'S  ADDRESS.  161 

About  the  same  time  with  the  passage  of  the  resolu 
tions  we  have  recited,  by  the  State  of  Virginia,  others 
were  passed  of  similar  import,  by  the  Legislature  of  the 
State  of  New  York,  along  whose  western  frontier  a  large 
portion  of  Scott's  public  services  had  been  rendered. 
The  legislature  impowered  his  Excellency  DANIEL  D. 
TOMPKINS,  governor  of  that  state,  to  present  General 
Scott  its  thanks  for  his  services,  and  a  sword,  which  was 
done.  The  presentation  took  place  on  what  is  called  in 
New  York  Evacuation  Day.  The  following  account  of 
the  proceedings  has  a  more  than  common  interest,  by  the 
peculiar  aptness  of  the  addresses  made.  ' 


In  the  City  Hall  of  New  York ;  Anniversary,  Nov. 
25th,  1816,  of  the  Evacuation  of  the  City  by  the 
British  troops,  at  the  end  of  the  Revolutionary  War. 


GOVERNOR  TOMPKINS  S  ADDRESS  TO  MAJOR-GENERAL  SCOTT. 

"  Sir— 

I  avail  myself  of  an  anniversary  commemorative 
of  the  exploits  of  our  forefathers,  to  perform  the  pleasing 
duty  of  proclaiming  the  gratitude  of  the  people  of  this 
state  to  those  descendants  of  the  heroes  of  the  Revolu 
tion,  whose  services  in  the  late  war  have  •  contributed  so 
mainly  to  perpetuate  the  independence  which  our  vene 
rated  ancestors  achieved,  and  to  advance  the  glory  of  the 
American  nation. 

"  In  adverting,  sir,  to  your  claims  of  distinction,   it 

General  Winfield  Scott,  12th  February,  1816,'  followed  by  a  figure  of 
Liberty  with  Tyranny  prostrate  at  her  feet,  and  this  scroll,  '  Sic  semper 
tyrannis.'  The  whole  blade,  which  is  of  the  best  proof,  is  covered  with 
ornaments  executed  in  high  taste." 


162      THE  NATURAL  AND  THE  MORAL  SUBLIME. 

would  be  sufficient  to  say,  that  on  all  occasions  you  have 
displayed  the  highest  military  accomplishments,  the  most 
ardent  attachment  to  the  rights  and  honor  of  your  coun 
try,  and  the  most  intrepid  exertions  in  their  support.  A 
rapid  and  unprecedented  succession  of  promotions  at  an 
early  age,  has  been  the  well-earned  fruit  of  your  talents. 
The  distinguished  notice  by  your  government  is  the  best 
encomium  on  your  character,  and  the  highest  reward  to 
which  the  virtuous  and  the  great  aspire. 

"  But,  sir,  your  military  career  is  replete  with  splendid 
events.  Without  descending  into  too  much  minuteness, 
I  may  briefly  refer  to  your  exploits  in  the  most  interesting 
portion  of  the  American  continent.  The  shores  of  Niag 
ara,  from  Erie  to  Ontario,  are  inscribed  with  your  name, 
and  with  the  names  of  your  brave  companions.  The 
defeat  of  the  enemy  at  Fort  George  will  not  be  for 
gotten.  The  memorable  conflict  on  the  plains  of  Chip- 
pewa,  and  the  appalling  night-battle  on  the  Heights  of 
Niagara,  are  events  which  have  added  new  celebrity  to 
the  spots  where  they  happened,  heightening  the  majesty 
of  the  stupendous  Cataract,  by  combining  with  its  natural, 
all  the  force  of  the  moral  sublime.  The  admirers  of  the 
great  in  nature,  from  all  quarters  of  the  globe,  will  for 
ever  visit  the  theatre  of  your  achievements.  They  will 
bear  to  their  distant  homes  the  idea  of  this  mighty  dis 
play  of  nature,  and  will  associate  with  it  the  deeds  of  you 
and  your  brothers  in  arms.  And  so  long  as  the  beautiful 
and  sublime  shall  be  objects  of  admiration  among  men ; 
so  long  as  the  whelming  waters  of  Erie  shall  be  tumbled 
into  the  awful  depths  of  Niagara,  so  long  shall  the  splen 
did  actions  in  which  you  have  had  so  conspicuous  a 
share,  endure  in  the  memory  of  man. 


THE  CHIEF  DESIRE  OF  A  PATRIOT  SOLDIER.  163 

"  Accept,  sir,  the  sword 'presented  to  you  by  the  people 
of  this  state,  as  a  pledge  of  their  affection  and  gratitude 
for  JOUT  distinguished  services  ;  and  may  the  remainder 
of  your  life  be  as  serene  and  happy,  as  your  early  days 
have  been  useful  and  glorious." 

MAJOR-GENERAL  SCOTT?S  REPLY. 

"  Sir— 

I  have  heretofore  had  the  honor  to  express  to 
the  Legislature  of  the  State  of  New  York,  through  your 
Excellency,  my  high  sense  of  the  distinguished  compli 
ment  conferred  on  me  by  that  honorable  body,  in  its  reso 
lution  on  the  subject  of  my  military  services,  and  in  its 
vote  of  the  splendid  sword,  now  so  handsomely  presented 
by  your  Excellency. 

"On  an  occasion  like  this,  declarations  would  but 
feebly  express  the  volume  of  obligation  contracted.  Per 
mit  me  to  assure  your  Excellency,  and  through  you,  the 
legislature  and  people  of  the  proud  State  of  New  York, 
that  I  am  sensibly  alive  to  the  duties  of  a  republican 
soldier,  armed  by  the  hands  of  his  countrymen  to  support 
and  defend  their  national  honor  and  independence  ;  and 
if  my  personal  services  had  been  more  worthy  of  the  dis 
tinction  bestowed,  I  should  have  no  wish  left  me,  at  this 
moment,  but  that  the  glory  and  liberties  of  the  republic 
might  be  eternal." 

In  the  year  1815,  General  Scdtt  was  unanimously 
elected  an  honorary  member  of  the  state  society  of  "  Cin- 


All  that  endears 


Glory,  is  when  the  myrtle  wreathes  a  sword 
Such  as  Harmodius  drew  on  Athens'  tyrant  lord." 
11* 


164  VIRGINIA'S  LOVE  TO  HER  SON. 

cinnati,"  in  Pennsylvania.  This  venerable  society  was 
formed  by  the  officers  of  the  revolutionary  army,  at  the 
close  of  the  revolution,  and  has  ever  been  distinguished 
by  worth  and  patriotism. 

In  the  year  1815,  also,  the  Legislature  of  Virginia 
named  a  new  county,  in  honor  of  him,  SCOTT. 

Some  other  states  have  done  the  same.1 


1  There  are  eight  states  which  have  named  counties,  SCOTT,  viz.: 
Virginia,  Kentucky,  Mississippi,  Indiana,  Illinois,  Missouri,  Iowa,  and 
Arkansas.  All  but  two  of  these,  it  is  believed,  were  named  from  General 
Scott. 


AN  ANONYMOUS  NOTE.  1  65 


CHAPTER   XIII. 

General  Jackson's  Order  of  1817. — Reflections. — The  anonymous  Letter. 
— Correspondence  of  Scott  and  Jackson. — Implication  of  Clinton. — 
The  true  Facts. — Reconciliation  of  Scott  and  Jackson. — Scott's  Notice 
of  his  Death. 

IN  the  year  1817,  a  singular  and  unpleasant  controversy 
occurred  between  General  Jackson,  General  Scott,  and 
Governor  Clinton,  arising  out  of  a  point  of  military  dis 
cipline  ;  but  in  reality  occasioned  by  an  anonymous  note, 
written  by  a  subordinate  person  to  General  Jackson. 
The  circumstances  are  curious,  as  illustrating  how  public 
characters  may  be  involved,  and  even  important  conse 
quences  produced,  by  very  small  acts  of  inferior  parties  ; 
and  historically  valuable,  as  showing  the  position  of  affairs 
at  that  time. 

General  Jackson,  then  commanding  the  division  of  the 
South  in  the  army  of  the  United  States,  and  annoyed 
probably  by  some  order  issuing  from  the  war  department 
to  one  of  his  inferior  officers,  without  his  knowledge,  pro 
mulgated  the  following  general  order  to  his  division — 

COPY. 

"  Head-quarters,        l  "  Adjutant-General's  Office, 

Division  of  the  South.  I  Nashville,  April  22d,  1817. 

"  Division  Order. 

"  The  commanding  general  considers  it  due  to  the 
principles  of  subordination  which  might  and  must  exist  in 


166  OBJECT  OF  THE  ORDER. 

an  army,  to  prohibit  the  obedience  of  any  order  emanating 
from  the  department  of  war,  to  officers  of  the  division  who 
have  reported,  and  been  assigned  to  duty,  unless  coming 
through  him  as  the  proper  organ  of  communication. 

"  The  object  of  this  order  is  to  prevent  the  recurrence 
of  a  circumstance  which  removed  an  important  officer 
from  the  division,  without  the  knowledge  of  the  command 
ing  general,  and,  indeed,  when  he  supposed  that  officer 
engaged  in  his  official  duties,  and  anticipated  hourly  the 
receipt  of  his  official  reports,  on  a  subject  of  much  impor 
tance  to  his  command  ;  also  to  prevent  the  topographical 
reports  from  being  made  public,  through  the  medium  of 
the  newspapers,  as  was  done  in  the  case  alluded  to,  there 
by  enabling  the  enemy  to  obtain  the  benefit  of  our  topo 
graphical  researches,  as  soon  as  the  general  commanding, 
who  is  responsible  for  the  defence  of  his  division. 

"  Superior  officers  having  commands  assigned  them, 
are  held  responsible  to  their  government  for  their  character 
and  conduct ;  and  it  might  as  well  be  justified  in  an  officer 
senior  in  command,  to  give  orders  to  a  guard  on  duty, 
without  passing  that  order  through  the  officer  of  that  guard, 
as  that  the  department  of  war  should  countermand  the 
arrangements  of  commanding  generals,  without  giving  that 
order  through  the  proper  channel.  To  acquiesce  in  such 
a  course  would  be  a  tame  surrender  of  military  rights  and 
etiquette,  and  at  once  subvert  the  established  principles 
of  subordination  and  good  order. 

"  Obedience  to  the  lawful  commands  of  superior  offi 
cers,  is  constitutionally  and  morally  required ;  but  there  is 
a  chain  of  communication  that  binds  the  military  com 
pact,  which,  if  broken,  opens  the  door  to  disobedience  and 


PRINCIPLE  OF  THE  ORDER.  167 

disrespect,  and  gives  loose  to  the  turbulent  spirits,  who 
are  ever  ready  to  excite  mutiny. 

"  All  physicians  able  to  perform  duty,  who  are  absent 
on  furlough,  will  forthwith  repair  to  their  respective  posts. 
"  Commanding  officers  of  regiments  and  corps,  are  re 
quired  to  report  specially  all  officers  absent  from  duty, 
after  the  30th  of  June  next,  and  their  cause  of  absence. 

"  The  army  is  too  small  to  tolerate  idlers,  and  they 
will  be  dismissed  from  service.1 

"  By  order  of  MAJOR-GENERAL  JACKSON 
(Signed)  ROBERT  BUTLER, 

Adjutant-General." 

To  a  military  mind,  the  error  and  impropriety  of  this 
order  are  palpable.  The  principle  of  the  order  is  that  a 
colonel  of  a  regiment  cannot  give  an  independent  order  to 
a  subaltern,  without  sending  it  through  the  captain  of  a 
company.  The  immediate  application  of  this  principle 
made  by  General  Jackson's  order,  was  to  orders  emana 
ting  from  the  war  department  to  inferior  officers,  which 
orders  General  Jackson  commanded  should  not  be  obeyed 
except  coming  through  him.  This  was  one  of  the  worst 
forms  in  which  the  application  of  such  a  principle  could 
be  made.  The  war  department  is  but  the  organ,  or  mouth 
piece  of  the  President  of  the  United  States.  The  Presi 
dent  is,  by  the  constitution,  commander-in-chief  of  the 
army  and  navy  of  the  Union.  If  the  President,  then, 
cannot  issue  orders  to  inferiors,  or  to  any  one,  without  the 
interference  of  third  parties,  he  is  deprived  of  his  highest 
constitutional  function. 

1  For  this  «  Order"  see  12  Niles,  320. 


168  THE  ORDER  DISCUSSED  BY  THE  PUBLIC. 

The  principle  thus  assumed  in  the  Nashville  order  is 
strongly  analogous  to,  and  nearly  identical  with  the  posi 
tion  of  the  Governors  of  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut 
in  the  war  of  1812,  that  the  President  of  the  United  States 
could  not  delegate  his  authority,  and  therefore  the  officers 
of  the  United  States  army  could  not  command  the  mili 
tia.1  This  ground  is  obviously  untenable.  Yet,  if  the 
President  can  delegate  his  authority  at  all,  it  is  obvious 
that  he  is  not  limited  as  to  whom  it  shall  be  delegated. 
He  may,  therefore,  through  the  war  department,  com 
mand  any  officer,  however  inferior  in  rank,  to  perform 
any  service  of  whatever  kind,  independent  of  the  opinions 
or  orders  of  any  general  officer.  Nay,  it  may  be  imperi 
ously  necessary  that  he  should  do  so.  Shall  it  be  said, 
that  the  President  of  the  United  States,  through  the  war- 
department,  shall  not  require  secret  service,  often  so  val 
uable  in  war,  of  any  subaltern  of  the  army,  without  asking 
leave  of  a  general  of  division  ?  Subjected  to  this  lest,  the 
principle  of  the  Nashville  order  cannot  for  a  moment  be 
defended. 

It  was  very  natural,  and  almost  inevitable,  that  this 
very  extraordinary  order  should  occasion  conversation  and 
criticism,  among  both  military  men  and  civilians.  This 
was  the  fact. 

Among  the  conversations  held  on  this  subject,2  one  oc 
curred  at  a  dinner  party  in  New  York,  at  which,  with 
other  persons,  there  were  present  Governor  Clinton  and 
General  Scott.  The  order  became  the  topic  of  remark, 


1  Mansfield's  Political  Grammar,  p.  117. 

*  Probably  half  the  intelligent  citizens  of  the  United  States  talked  on 
this  topic. 


OPINION  EXPRESSED  BY  GENERAL  SCOTT.  169 

when  Governor  Clinton  expressed  a  wish  to  learn  General 
Scott's  views  of  it.  General  Scott,  who  was  seated 
near  him,  felt  called  upon  to  state  professionally  what 
were  the  principles  involved  in  the  question  raised  by 
General  Jackson.  This  he  did,  in  opposition  to  the  views 
of  General  Jackson,  and  expressed  the  opinion  to  Clinton, 
that  the  tendency  of  the  "  order"  was  mutinous. 

At  this  time  there  was  published  in  the  city  of  New 
York  a  newspaper  called  the  "  Columbian,"  devoted  to 
the  interests  of  Governor  Clinton,  whom  it  had  supported 
for  the  presidency.1  The  substance  of  this  conversation 
got  to  the  ears  of  its  conductors,  and  an  anonymous  article 
appeared  in  it,  questioning  the  propriety  of  Jackson's 
order. 

This  anonymous  article  another  anonymous  writer 
anonymously  enclosed  to  General  Jackson,  on  the  14th 
of  August,  1817,  accompanied  by  this  remark  of  the  un 
known  writer2 — 

"  Your  late  order  has  been  the  subject  of  much  private 
and  some  public  remark.  The  war-office  gentry  and  their 
adherents,  pensioners,  and  expectants,  have  all  been  busy, 
but  no  one,  of  sufficient  mark  for  your  notice,  more  than 
General  Scott,  who,  I  am  credibly  informed,  goes  so  far 


1  This,  among  many  other  facts,  is  evidence  of  the  extreme  mutability 
and  mortality  of  the  newspaper  press  in  the  United  States.     The  "  Colum 
bian"  was  succeeded  by  the  "  Statesman,"  edited  by  Nathaniel  H.  Carter, 
author  of  the  Letters  from  Europe,  and  a  very  elegant  writer.     In  time, 
that  also  perished.     The  race  of  newspapers  now  in  New  York,  is  almost 
entirely  diS'erent  from  that  then  extant. 

2  The  author  of  this  anonymous  letter  was  known  to  the  writer,  of  this 
work.     He  was  an  able  man  ;  but  his  object  in  this  instance  was  probably 
merely  mischievous. 


170  GENERAL  JACKSON's  LETTER. 

as  to  call  the  order  in  question  an  act  of  mutiny.  In  this 
district,  he  is  the  organ  of  government  insinuations,  and 
the  supposed  author  of  the  paper  enclosed,  which,  how 
ever,  the  better  to  cover  him,  was  not  published  until  he 
had  left  this  city  for  the  lakes."  *  *  *  * 

There  were  some  other  unimportant  remarks  in  this 
communication.  It  was  received  by  General  Jackson  on 
the  3d  of  September.  On  the  8th,  he  addressed  to  Gen 
eral  Scott  the  following  letter — 


"  Head-Quarters,  Division  of  the  South,  ) 
Nashville,  September  8th,  1817.       * 

"  Sir— 

With  that  candor  due  the  character  you  have 
sustained  as  a  soldier  and  a  man  of  honor,  and  with  the 
frankness  of  the  latter,  I  address  you. 

"  Enclosed  is  a  copy  of  an  anonymous  letter,  post 
marked  New  York,  14th  of  August,  1817,  together  with 
a  publication  taken  from  the  Columbian,  which  accom 
panied  the  letter.  I  have  not  permitted  myself  for  a 
moment  to  believe,  that  the  conduct  ascribed  to  you  is 
correct.  Candor,  however,  induces  me  to  lay  them  be 
fore  you,  that  you  may  have  it  in  your  power  to  say  how 
far  they  be  incorrectly  stated. 

"  If  my  order  has  been  the  subject  of  your  animadver 
sions,  it  is  believed  you  will  at  once  admit  it,  and  the 
extent  to  which  you  may  have  gone. 

"  I  am,  sir,  respectfully, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

ANDREW  JACKSON. 
"  General  W.  Scott,  U.  S.  Army." 


GENERAL  SCOTT's  REPLY.  171 

Enclosed  in  this  letter,  was  the  anonymous  document 
of  which  we  have  spoken. 

On  October  4th,  1817,  General  Scott  addressed  to 
General  Jackson  a  letter,  of  which  we  shall  insert  here 
only  the  material  parts.  In  this  he  denies,  peremptorily, 
that  he  was  the  author  of  the  article  in  the  Columbian, 
and  then  proceeds  thus — 

GENERAL  SCOTT  TO  GENERAL  JACKSON. 

********* 

"  Conversing  with  some  two  or  three  private  gentlemen, 
about  as  many  times,  on  the  subject  of  the  division  order 
dated  at  Nashville,  April  2d,  1817,  it  is  true,  that  I  gave 
it  as  my  opinion,  that  that  paper  was,  as  it  respected  the 
future,  mutinous  in  its  character  and  tendency,  and,  as  it 
respected  the  past,  a  reprimand  of  the  commander-in- 
chief,  the  President  of  the  United  States  ;  for  although 
the  latter  be  not  expressly  named,  it  is  a  principle  well 
understood,  that  the  war  department,  without  at  least  his 
supposed  sanction,  cannot  give  a  valid  command  to  an 
ensign. 

"  I  have  thus,  sir,  frankly  answered  the  queries  ad 
dressed  to  me,  and  which  were  suggested  to  you  by  the 
letter  of  your  anonymous  correspondent ;  but  on  a  ques 
tion  so  important  as  that  which  you  have  raised  with  the 
war  department,  or,  in  other  words,  with  the  President  of 
the  United  States,  and  in  which  I  find  myself  incidentally 
involved,  I  must  take  leave  to  illustrate  my  meaning  a 
little,  &c.,  &c." 

[Here  General  Scott  illustrated  his  opinion  by  exam 
ples  and  arguments.] 

"  I  must  pray  you  to  believe,  that  I  have  expressed  my 


172  THE  OPINION  FREE  FROM  HOSTILITY. 

opinion  on  this  great  question,  without  the  least  hostility 
to  yourself,  personally,  and  without  any  view  of  making 
my  court  in  another  quarter,  as  is  insinuated  by  your 
anonymous  correspondent.  I  have  nothing  to  fear  or 
hope  from  either  party.  It  is  not  likely  that  the  executive 
will  be  offended  at  the  opinion,  that  it  has  committed  an 
irregularity  in  the  transmission  of  its  orders  ;  and,  as  to 
yourself,  although  I  cheerfully  admit  that  you  are  my 
superior,  I  deny  that  you  are  my  commanding  officer, 
within  the  meaning  of  the  6th  article  of  the  Rules  and 
Articles  of  War.  Even  if  I  belonged  to  your  division,  I 
should  not  hesitate  to  repeat  to  you  all  that  I  have  said 
at  any  time,  on  this  subject,  if  a  proper  occasion  offered ; 
and,  what  is  more,  I  should  expect  your  approbation,  as, 
in  my  humble  judgment,  refutation  is  impossible. 

"  As  you  do  not  adopt  the  imputations  contained  in  the 
anonymous  letter,  a  copy  of  which  you  enclosed  me,  I 
shall  not  degrade  myself  by  any  further  notice  of  it." 
********* 

"  The  author  is  believed  to  be  a  young  man  of  the 
army,  and  was  at  the  time  of  the  publication  in  this  city ; 
but  not  under  my  command,  and  with  whom  I  have  never 
had  the  smallest  intimacy.  I  forbear  to  mention  his  name, 
because  it  is  only  known  by  conjecture. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c., 

WINFIELD  SCOTT. 

"  To  Major-General  Andrew  Jackson,  &c." 

To  this  letter  General  Jackson  replied  in  a  very  angry 
manner,  and  with  an  offer  of  satisfaction  according  to  the 
code  of  honor,  if  demanded.  He  seems  to  have  thought, 
that  General  Scott  ought  not  to  have  criticised  his  mill- 


THE  COMMON  HUMAN  NATURE.  173 

tary  conduct,  and,  in  fact,  ought  not  to  have  expressed 
any  opinion  at  all. 

In  his  reply,  Scott  waived  this  idea,  knowing,  if  there 
were  no  other  reason,  that  those  who  had  fought  on  the 
plains  of  Chippewa  and  New  Orleans,  needed  no  new 
evidence  that  they  possessed  courage  or  pursued  honor. 

This  whole  correspondence  was  subsequently  printed 
in  a  pamphlet — a  publicity  which  made  it  known  to  many 
persons,  and  requires  that  it  be  mentioned  here  as  a  part 
of  the  history,  both  personal  and  political,  of  the  times  to 
which  it  belongs.  The  controversies  of  distinguished  men, 
their  tone  of  temperament,  and  their  hasty  acts  of  passion, 
are  dwelt  upon  by  the  curiosity  of  others,  with  perhaps 
as  much  interest  as  any  part  of  their  lives.  The  multitude 
have  a  consciousness  of  greater  equality  with  superior 
men  in  these  minor  developments  of  a  common  human 
nature,  than  in  those  greater  and  nobler  deeds  by  which 
they  have  been  raised  to  high  eminence.  There  is  a 
feeling  of  contact,  community,  and  connection,  with  those 
who,  like  us,  breathe  the  common  atmosphere  of  the 
common  streets  of  the  world ;  but  it  is  with  admiration 
and  with  awe,  not  sympathy,  that  we  gaze  upon  those 
whose  uncommon  strength  and  extraordinary  success  have 
enabled  them  to  ascend  the  greatest  heights,  and  bathe 
their  heads,  like  the  eagle's  wings,  in  the  sublime  but 
cold  air  of  the  mountains. 

Hence  it  is  that  the  world  is  little  offended  to  see  dis 
tinguished  men  descend  from  their  eminence  to  mingle  in 
common  affairs,  and  display  those  passions  which  are  felt 
to  belong  equally  to  the  race — the  highest  and  the  lowest. 

The  eminent  men  whose  personal  controversy  we  have 
here  narrated,  have  long  since  been  reconciled  to  each 


174  THE  POSITION   OF  GOVERNOR  CLINTON. 

other.  One  of  them  has  descended  to  the  grave,  honored 
with  the  best  rewards  of  his  country,  and  the  other  was 
one  of  the  first  to  pay  to  his  memory  the  high  respect 
due  from  one  distinguished  soldier  to  another. 

The  controversy,  however,  has  an  interest  as  connected 
with  the  principle  of  the  Nashville  Order,  and  yet  more 
with  the  peculiar  politics  of  that  period.  It  is  a  singular 
fact,  that  an  unknown  writer,  by  a  single  paragraph  of 
an  anonymous  letter,  could  occasion  between  three  of 
the  most  eminent  public  men,  such  an  excitement  and 
such  a  discussion. 

It  seems  that  at  the  close  of  General  Scott's  second 
letter,  he  intimated  a  suspicion  that  Governor  Clinton  was 
the  anonymous  correspondent  of  General  Jackson.  This 
suspicion  was  totally  erroneous.  De  Witt  Clinton  was 
above  any  act  of  that  kind.  He  stood  in  no  need  of  such 
contrivances  ;  for,  either  at  this  time,  or  soon  after,  he 
had  openly  and  boldly  charged  the  administration  of  Mr. 
Monroe  with  interfering  through  the  custom-house  officers, 
with  the  state  elections  of  New  York.  At  this  time,  or 
soon  after,  also,  he  became  allied  with  the  political  friends 
of  General  Jackson.  He  had,  therefore,  no  need  of  com 
municating  secretly  with  General  Jackson,  when  there 
was  nothing  in  his  position  to  preclude  doing  it  openly. 

It  was,  however,  perfectly  natural  that  such  a  sus 
picion  should  have  occurred  to  Scott  at  that  time ;  for  he 
was  unable  to  trace  the  knowledge,  or  the  possibility  of 
reporting  his  opinions,  to  any  other  than  the  persons 
present  on  the  occasion  mentioned.  Happily,  however, 
the  truth  was  discovered.  Soon  after  these  transactions, 
General  Scott  learned,  that  Governor  Clinton  had  spoken, 
as  he  was  perfectly  at  liberty  to  do,  of  Scott's  military 


SCOTT  AND  JACKSON  AT  WASHINGTON.  175 

view  of  General  Jackson's  order,  in  the  hearing  of  some 
one  connected  with  the  Columbian  newspaper.  This 
person,  or  one  associated  with  him,  had  written  the  anony 
mous  letter,  without  the  sanction  or  knowledge  of  Gov 
ernor  Clinton.  This  explanation,  or  recantation,  General 
Scott  has  often  made  before  as  since  the  death  of  the 
illustrious  Clinton.  Had  Scott  known  the  facts  at  an 
earlier  date,  a  most  unpleasant  controversy  would  have 
been  avoided. 

It  only  remains  to  record  the  reconciliation  between 
Scott  and  Jackson,  alike  honorable  to  both.  There  had 
been  a  rumor,  no  doubt  groundless,  that  General  Jackson 
would,  on  meeting  General  Scott,  offer  him  some  sort  of 
outrage  or  indignity.  When,  therefore,  they  had  been 
six  days  together  at  Washington,  and  often  in  the  Capitol, 
in  the  year  1823,  the  following  letter  was  written — 

GENERAL  SCOTT  TO  GENERAL  JACKSON. 

"Washington,  D.  C.,  Dec.  11,  1823. 

"  Sir- 
One  portion  of  the  American  community  has 
long  attributed  to  you  the  most  distinguished  magna 
nimity,  and  the  other  portion  the  greatest  desperation,  in 
your  resentments — am  I  to  conclude  that  both  are  equally 
in  error  ?  I  allude  to  circumstances  which  have  trans 
pired  between  us,  and  which  need  not  here  be  recapitu 
lated,  and  to  the  fact  that  I  have  now  been  six  days  in 
your  immediate  vicinity  without  having  attracted  your 
notice.  As  this  is  the  first  time  in  my  life  that  L  have 
been  within  a  hundred  miles  of  you,  and  as  it  is  barely 
possible  that  you  may  be  ignorant  of  my  presence,  I  beg 

12 


176  THE    RECONCILIATION. 

leave  to  state  that  I  shall  not  leave  the  District  before  the 
morning  of  the  14th  inst. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  sir, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

WINFIELD  SCOTT. 
"  The  Hon.  Gen.  A.  Jackson,  Senator,  &c." 

To  this  letter,  General  Jackson  returned  the  following 

answer — 

/ 

GENERAL  JACKSON  TO  GENERAL  SCOTT. 

"  Mr.  O'Neil's,  Dec.  llth,  1823. 
"  Sir— 

Your  letter  of  to-day  has  been  received.  Whether 
the  world  are  correct  or  in  error,  as  regards  my  '  mag 
nanimity,'  is  for  the  world  to  decide.  I  am  satisfied  of 
one  fact,  that  when  you  shall  know  me  better,  you  will 
not  be  disposed  to  harbor  the  opinion,  that  any  thing  like 
'  desperation  in  resentment'  attaches  to  me. 

"  Your  letter  is  ambiguous  ;  but,  concluding  from  oc 
currences  heretofore,  that  it  was  written  with  friendly 
views,  I  take  the  liberty  of  saying  to  you,  that  whenever 
you  shall  feel  disposed  to  meet  me  on  friendly  terms,  that 
disposition  will  not  be  met  by  any  other  than  a  corre 
spondent  feeling  on  my  part. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  sir, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

ANDREW  JACKSON. 
"  Gen.  W.  Scott" 

The  olive-branch  was  on  ttoth  sides  accepted.  From 
this  time,  to  the  recall  of  General  Scott  from  the  Indian 


DEATH  OF  GENERAL  JACKSON.  177 

war  in  1836,  Generals  Scott  and  Jackson  were  on  terms 
of  high  courtesy  with  each  other.  Both  have  been  sub 
sequently  engaged  in  other  and  higher  actions.  They 
have  been  engaged  in  various  and  important  services  for 
their  country.  Their  private  griefs  have  been  forgotten, 
in  the  various  dramatic  and  dignified  scenes  in  which 
they  were  associated  with  the  interests  and  the  glory  of 
their  country. 

On  the  8th  day  of  June,  1845,  General  Jackson  died  at 
his  private  residence,  the  Hermitage,  near  Nashville,  in 
the  state  of  Tennessee.  Demonstrations  of  respect  and 
sympathy  were  everywhere  manifested. 

General  Scott  was  at  West  Point  when  the  news 
reached  that  place.  He  was  president  of  the  board  of 
examiners,  which  was  in  session  when  the  morning-boat 
from  New  York  brought  the  melancholy  intelligence. 
With  the  truly  great,  all  differences  are  forgotten  at  the 
grave  ;  and  General  Scott  could  retain  no  recollection  of 
them,  on  such  an  occasion.  He  immediately  rose  and 
addressed  the  board  of  visitors,  the  academic  staff,  and 
the  cadets,  as  follows — 

GENERAL  SCOTT's  ADDRESS. 

"  Ex-President  Jackson  died  at  the  Hermitage  on  the 
8th  inst.  The  information  is  not  official,  but  sufficiently 
authentic  to  prompt  the  step  I  am  about  to  take.  An 
event  of  much  moment  to  the  nation  has  occurred.  A 
great  man  has  fallen.  General  Jackson  is  dead — a  great 
general  and  great  patriot — who  had  filled  the  highest 
political  stations  in  the  gift  of  his  countrymen.  He  is 
dead.  This  is  not  the  place,  nor  am  I  the  individual  to 


178  GENERAL  SCOTT's  ADDRESS. 

pronounce  a  fit  eulogy  on  the  illustrious  deceased.  Na 
tional  honors  will  doubtless  be  prescribed  by  the  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States  ;  but  in  the  mean  time,  and  in 
harmony  with  the  feelings  of  all  who  hear  me,  and  par 
ticularly  with  those  of  the  authorities  of  this  institution,  I 
deem  it  proper  to  suspend  the  examination  of  the  cadets 
for  the  day,  and  to  wait  the  orders  of  the  Executive  of 
the  United  States  on  the  subject." 


THE  MODERN  ART  OF  WAR.  179 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

1821  TO  1832. 

Scott  writes  the  Military  Institutes. — Prepares  Reports  on  Tactics. — His 
Essay  on  Temperance. — Obtains  Admission  to  the  Military  Academy 
for  the  Sons  of  General  Paez. — Correspondence  with  General  Paez. — 
Controversy  on  Brevet  Rank. — Goes  to  Europe. 

IN  a  former  part  of  this  volume,  we  have  stated  that 
Scott  studied  his  profession  as  a  science  and  an  art. 
The  science  of  war  is,  in  relation  to  physical  sciences, 
very  much  what  oratory,  in  the  contemplation  of  Cicero, 
was  to  other  branches  of  knowledge.  In  his  treatise  on 
that  art,1  he  considered  that  nothing  less  than  the  whole 
circle  of  human  studies  was  the  limit  of  what  an  orator 
should  acquire,  to  be  complete  and  eminent  in  his  art. 
The  same  idea  is  true  of  the  art  of  war,  when  considered 
in  relation  to  the  physical  elements  involved  in  its  prac 
tice.  The  modern  art  of  war,  as  illustrated  in  the  brilliant 
campaigns  of  Napoleon,  affords  ample  proof  of  this  fact. 

Military  science  is  in  general,  however,  defined  as  em 
bracing  the  discipline  of  troops,  the  tactics  of  the  field, 
the  arrangement  and  police  of  camps,  and  the  strategy  of 
armies  in  war.  This  comprehends  the  duties  and  the 
knowledge  required  of  commanding  generals.  The  art 

1  Cicero's  treatise,  De  Oratore. 
12* 


180  SCOTT  AS  A  MILITARY  WRITER. 

of  engineering,  which  requires  a  knowledge  of  the  mathe 
matical  and  chemical  sciences,  the  art  of  topographical 
surveying  and  drawing,  the  art  of  pyrotechny,  CT  the 
composition  of  the  various  explosive  materials  of  war,  and 
the  art  of  surgery,  are  all  confided  to  special  corps,  trained 
to  those  duties  and  practised  in  them.  It  is  tactics  and 
strategy,  however,  which  constitute  the  particular  part  of 
the  science  of  war,  falling  within  the  province  of  a  general 
officer. 

In  this  department  of  science,  General  Scott  has  con 
tributed  his  full  proportion  to  the  knowledge  of  his  coun 
try.  He  thought  it  no  part  of  his  duty  to  remain  merely 
idle,  as  too  frequently  happens  to  the  members  of  all  pro 
fessions,  when  the  active  and  practical  part  of  his  duties 
was  no  longer  required.  In  peace  as  in  war,  there  is 
ample  room  for  the  employment  of  that  high  and  culti 
vated  intelligence  for  which  officers  of  the  army,  nearly  all 
of  whom  are  educated  men,  are  generally  distinguished. 

In  the  year  1821,  General  Scott  published  an  octavo 
volume,  entitled  General  Regulations  for  the  Army,  or 
Military  Institutes,  containing  every  thing  which  is  ne 
cessary  for  the  government  and  practice  of  troops,  in 
garrison,  in  camp,  or  in  the  presence  of  III  enemy.  No 
system  of  the  kind  had  preceded  it  in  America.  It  was  a 
complete  manual  for  both  the  regular  and  the  militia 
officer. 

Prior  to  this,  in  1814-15,  he  had  also,  aspr»sident  of  a 
board,  assisted  in  preparing  a  system  of  infantry  tactics,  the 
same  which  he  had  introduced  and  taught  in  the  camp 
of  instruction  at  Buffalo,  in  1814.  This  was  afterwards 
revised  by  another  board,  of  which  again  he  was  presi 
dent.  It  was  published  in  1825.  He  was  once  again,  in 


PRESIDENT  OF  IMPORTANT  BOARDS.        181 

1826,  president  of  another  board  of  regular  officers  and 
distinguished  militia  generals,  called  together  by  the  war 
department  for  the  purpose  of  reporting — 

1.  A  plan  for  the  organization  and  instruction  of  the 
whole  body  of  the  militia  of  the  Union.1 

2.  A  system  of  tactics  for  the  artillery. 

3.  A  system  of  cavalry  tactics,  and 

4.  A  system  of  infantry  and  rifle  tactics. 

All  these  were  designed  for  the  use  of  the  militia,  to 
aid  in  the  improvement  and  discipline  of  that  branch  of 
the  national  defence. 

Of  these  several  reports,  the  first  and  fourth  are  under 
stood  to  have  been  exclusively  from  the  pen  of  Scott. 
They  have  been  published  for  the  use  and  information  of. 
the  country. 

In  1835,  under  a  resolution  of  Congress,  he  published 
a  new  edition,  in  three  small  volumes,  of  the  Infantry 
Tactics,  with  all  the  improvements  made  thereon  since 
the  general  peace  of  181 5.2  The  basis  of  the  system 
previously  in  use  was,  however,  preserved. 

The  reader  will  readily  perceive,  that  the  compilation 
and  composition  of  several  volumes  of  this  kind  consti 
tutes  no  small  portion  of  American  military  literature.  In 
works  of  this  nature,  specially  American,  our  country  is 


1  See  congressional  documents  for  the  session  of  1826-7. 

2  Somewhere  about  1819-20,  the  United  States  government  employed 
an  officer  of  the  army  to  translate  from  the  French  a  work  on  the  science 
of  war,  for  which  the  government  paid  ten  thousand  dollars.     Yet,  for 
want  of  revision,  and  adaptation  to  our  circumstances,  this   work  was 
of  no  practical  use.      Hence,   we  may   see  what   labor    and  judgment 
were  required,  by  one   who,  like  Scott,  prepared  proper  works  for  our 
army. 


182  SCOTT  LEADS  IN  A  NEW  MOVEMENT. 

quite  deficient.  The  French  have  been  the  great  writers  on 
military  science,  and  from  their  works,  as  we  have  already 
seen,  Scott  derived  much  of  his  knowledge  on  this  subject. 

We  may  here  say,  that  much  labor,  research,  reading, 
practice,  and  observation,  were  required  to  prepare  and 
put  forth  the  works  above  enumerated.  Of  their  merits, 
it  is  enough  to  say,  that  they  have  been  found  universally 
satisfactory  to  those  who  are  capable  of  forming  an  accu 
rate  judgment  on  such  topics. 

On  another  subject,  and  one  of  vast  magnitude,  though 
apparently  foreign  to  his  profession,  Scott  became  a 
writer ;  and  such  has  been  the  space  which  that  topic 
has  since  occupied  in  the  public  mind,  that  we  feel  it  to 
be  only  an  act  of  simple  justice  to  record  his  part  in  the 
discussion.  That  topic  was  the  temperance  movement. 

That  the  necessity  of  a  temperance  reform  should  oc 
cur  to  a  military  man,  will  not  appear  strange  when  it  is 
considered,  that  his  professional  pursuits  bring  him  into 
constant  association  with  all  classes  of  society  ;  and  that 
the  exposures  of  a  camp  and  the  hardy  life  of  a  soldier, 
demand  from  the  commanding  general  the  utmost  vigi 
lance  in  protecting  the  health  of  his  troops. 

Scott  was  among  the  very  earliest  pioneers,  in  the 
effort  to  do  something  to  check  and  prevent  the  enormous 
evil  of  intemperance.  That  he  was  so,  will  appear  evident 
from  the  dates  which  we  shall  present. 

The  present  temperance  societies,  of  all  kinds,  date 
back  only  about  twenty  years.  It  is  true,  that  there  have 
been  temperance  associations  and  temperance  men  in  all 
ages  since  the  days  of  the  Rechabites.  But  that  move 
ment  now  known  as  the  Temperance  Reform  can  claim 
but  little,  if  any  earlier  origin,  than  1825.  About  that 


HIS  ARTICLE  IN  THE   "  NATIONAL  GAZETTE."          183 

year,  Dr.  Lyman  Beecher  preached  his  celebrated  tem 
perance  discourses.  He  was  not  precisely  the  founder 
of  temperance  societies,  but  he  was  the  earliest  and 
strongest  advocate  of  that  noble  cause. 

Much  earlier  than  this,  December  22d,  1821,  General 
Scott  published  his  "  Scheme  for  restricting  the  Use  of 
Ardent  Spirits  in  the  United  States."  It  appeared  in  the 
1 80th  number,  of  the  above  date,  of  the  National  Gazette, 
edited  by  Robert  Walsh.  It  occupied  twelve  columns  of 
a  supplement  of  that  paper,  and  was  commended  to  the 
public  by  the  following  editorial  article  of  Mr.  Walsh. 
We  copy  it  for  the  purpose  of  showing,  that  both  General 
Scott  and  Mr.  Walsh,  at  that  time,  adopted  all  the  leading 
arguments  which  have  since  been  used  so  pertinaciously 
and  effectually  by  many  eloquent  and  able  advocates  of 
temperance. 

In  the  National  Gazette  of  December  22d,  Mr.  Walsh 
says — 

"  We  issue,  in  a  Supplement  to  this  day's  Gazette, 
'  A  Scheme  for  Restricting  the  Use  of  Ardent  Spirits  in 
the  United  States.'  The  length  of  this  production  will 
not,  we  trust,  prevent  it  from  being  generally  read.  We 
think  the  country  lies  under  an  obligation  to  the  intelligent 
and  public-spirited  author,  for  the  attention  which  he  has 
bestowed  on  the  subject,  and  for  the  instructive  and  im 
pressive  facts  and  opinions  which  ha  has  brought  to 
gether,  and  skilfully  exhibited,  in  furtherance  of  his  great 
purpose.  The  topic  of  the  abuse  of  ardent  spirits  hardly 
admits  of  exaggeration.  That  evil  is,  notoriously,  the 
most  extensive  and  prolific  with  which  these  states  are 
now  afflicted.  In  almost  every  instance,  the  atrocious 
murders  which  it  has  been  our  misfortune  to  be  obliged 


184  EDITORIAL  NOTICE  OF  MR.  WALSH. 

to  report,  have  arisen  from  habits  of  inebriety,  or  been 
perpetrated  under  the  immediate  influence  of  liquor.  If 
the  exertions  of  legislatures,  and  of  patriotic  and  humane 
individuals,  are  due  in  proportion  to  the  magnitude  and 
exigence  of  a  national  scourge,  then  their  utmost  activity 
and  ability  should  be  exercised  without  the  least  delay,  to 
promote  the  end  at  which  our  correspondent  aims,  though 
his  particular  scheme  be  not  thought  the  most  practicable 
or  eligible.  They  will  weigh  deliberately  and  earnestly 
every  repressive  or  corrective  project,  and  adopt,  in  prefer 
ence,  that  which  strikes  at  the  root  of  the  evil,  if  they  do 
not  see  insuperable  obstacles  to  its  execution." 

The  scheme  of  General  Scott  was  not  adopted.  But 
the  arguments  and  facts  adduced  by  him  were  the  main 
arguments  and  facts  afterwards  used  with  such  force  by 
the  temperance  societies.  It  must  be  remembered,  as  a 
part  of  the  known  history  of  the  times,  that  all  the  early 
temperance  societies  were  pledged  only  against  the  use 
of  ardent  spirits.  The  idea  of  total  abstinence  from  wine 
and  malt  liquors,  was  not  adopted  by  any  of  them  till 
within  a  very  few  years.  Hence,  the  scheme  of  General 
Scott  aimed  only  to  suppress  the  use  of  ardent  spirits  ; 
for,  in  the  army,  this  was  undoubtedly  the  cause  of  the 
largest  portion  of  the  prevalent  intemperance.  The  pri 
vate  soldiers,  so  often  intemperate,  used  almost  alto 
gether,  rum,  brandy,  and  whiskey. 

It  should  be  stated  here  also,  that  General  Scott  was, 
at  this  time,  (1821,)  a  member  of  the  societies  formed 
in  New  York  for  the  "  prevention  of  pauperism" — "  the 
suppression  of  vice  and  immorality."  It  was  in  that  con-' 
neclion,  for  these  evils  are  kindred,  that  Scott  reflected  upon 
the  magnitude  of  intemperance,  and  published  the  essay, 


CAUSES  OF  GENERAL  SCOTl's  ACTION.  185 

portions  of  which  we  are  about  to  extract.  They  will 
show  both  his  ability  as  a  writer,  and  the  sound  views  he 
there  suggested  to  the  public. 

SCOTT'S  VIEWS  OF  INTEMPERANCE  IN  1821. 

"  It  is  now  many  years  since  the  writer  of  this  essay 
was  first  made  to  reflect,  with  some  intensity,  on  the  vice 
of  drunkenness,  whilst  endeavoring  to  apply  a  remedy,  in 
a  small  corps,  to  that  greatest  source  of  disease  and  in 
subordination  in  the  rank  and  file  of  an  army.  Having 
the  attention  so  awakened,  and  subsequently  being  much 
accustomed  to  change  of  place  from  one  extreme  of  the 
Union  to  another,  he  has  been  led  to  observe,  with  a  more 
than  usual  keenness,  the  ravages  of  the  same  habit  among 
the  more  numerous  classes  of  the  community.  The  con 
viction  has  thus  been  forced  upon  him  that,  of  all  acci 
dental  evils,  this  is  the  most  disastrous  to  our  general 
population. 

"  Insanity  from  other  causes  is,  for  example,  exceed 
ingly  rare.  The  yellow  fever  only  visits,  occasionally, 
some  of  our  larger  cities  on  the  seaboard — the  small-pox, 
once  the  terror  of  the  world,  has  disappeared  before  the 
benign  influence  of  vaccination — but  the  virus  of  intem 
perance  still  circulates  everywhere,  and  saps  the  founda 
tions  of  morals,  health,  and  happiness  !  For,  not  minute 
ly  to  dwell,  in  this  place,  on  the  innumerable  disorders, 
both  domestic  and  public,  which  hourly  result  from  the 
earlier  progress  of  intoxication — happily,  in  some  few  in 
dividuals  never  carried  to  excess,  nor  ripened  into  fixed 
habit — and  such  ills  alone  constitute  a  frightful  aggre 
gate — how  few  are  the  families  that  have  not  been,  within 


186  FACTS  AND  ARGUMENTS. 

the  memory  of  the  living,  plunged  into  the  deepest  afflic 
tion  by  this  baleful  vice  ! — that  have  not  had  a  son  blight 
ed  in  the  vigor  of  youth  and  genius  by  its  pestilential 
breath — a  fond  husband  alienated  by  the  syren — or  a 
father  laid  in  an  untimely  grave  by  the  destroyer,  leaving 
a  tender  offspring  destitute  and  forlorn.  Lives  there  a 
person  who  believes  this  picture  overcharged  ?  Let  him 
go  forth  from  his  corner  and  inquire  of  the  first  man  of 
observation  in  his  way,  whether  such  calamities  do  not 
almost  daily  occur  within  the  sphere  of  his  knowledge  ? 
There  can  be  no  doubt  that  magistrates,  lawyers,  physi 
cians,  divines,  and  others,  much  in  the  world,  or  much 
connected  with  its  business  and  sufferings,  would  univer 
sally  concur  in  one  mournful  reply — 


" '  'Tis  quenchless  thirst 
Of  ruinous  ebriety  that  prompts 
His  every  action  and  imbrutes  the  man — 
Who  starves  his  own  ;  who  persecutes  the  blood 
He  gave  them  in  his  children's  veins,  and  hates 
And  wrongs  the  woman  he  has  sworn  to  love.' 


"  Is  there,  then,  no  antidote  for  this  evil — no  kind  pre 
ventive  to  the  mother-vice  which  augments,  in  a  thousand 
ways,  the  general  sum  of  human  wretchedness  ? 

"  We  are  told  of  an  ancient  spring,  the  waters  of  which 
gave  to  those  who  even  once  drank  of  them,  a  sovereign 
distaste  of  intoxicating  liquors.  In  our  times,  private 
associations  have  interposed  their  benevolent  efforts  to 
arrest  the  burning  flood  :  moralists  have  declaimed,  and 
legislatures  enacted  partial  laws,  against  it ;  and  the  pul 
pit,  too,  armed  with  divine  revelation,  everywhere  sends 


PROBABLE  EFFECTS  OF  THE  "  SCHEME."      187 

torth  its  denunciations.1    The  evil  still  spreads.   A  master 
emedy  yet  remains  to  be  found. 

" '  The  gathering  number,  as  it  moves  along, 
Involves  a  vast  involuntary  throng ; 
Who,  gently  drawn,  and  struggling  less  and  less, 
Roll  in  her  vortex,  and  her  power  confess.' " 

The  argument  of  the  essay  was  that  which  was  adopted 
by  many  of  the  original  temperance  advocates  and  tem 
perance  societies.  It  was,  that  those  who  drank  wine 
and  beer  were  comparatively  temperate,  while  the  great 
evil  to  be  attacked  was  the  use  of  ardent  spirits. 

As  these  views  did  not  prevail,  and  our  object  is  only 
to  show  that  Scott  was,  in  the  United  States,  one  of  the 
pioneers  on  this  subject,  we  shall  refer  the  reader  to  some 
other  views  presented  in  the  essay. 

General  Scott  proceeds  to  show  some  of  the  happy  re 
sults  which  would  flow  from  the  adoption  of  temperance 
principles — r 

"  Thus  it  has  been  shown,  (and  some  of  the  probable 
results  will  be  more  strictly  demonstrated,)  that,  under  the 
operation  of  the  proposed  law,  ardent  or  burning  spirits 
might  gradually,  and  in  the  lapse  of  a  few  years,  be  al 
most  entirely  banished  from  the  country  ;  other  beve 
rages,  salutary  in  their  effects,  or  comparatively  innoxious, 
substituted  by  corresponding  degrees ;  home  industry 
maintained  and  promoted  ;  diseases  simplified  and  di 
minished  ;  fireside  enjoyments  fenced  in  against  their 

1  He  who  walks  "  in  the  imagination  of  [his]  heart,  to  add  drunkenness 
to  thirst,  the  Lord  will  not  spare." — Deut.  xxix.  19,  20. 
"  Awake,  ye  drunkards,  and  weep." — Joel. 
"  For  the  drunkard  and  glutton  shall  come  to  poverty." — Prov.  xxiii.  21. 


188 


NECESSITY  FOR  A  REFORM. 


most  powerful  enemy  ; — in  short,  our  general  population 
rendered  as  moral  and  robust  as  it  is,  by  inheritance  and 
in  fact,  politically  free. 

"  It  will  not  be  attempted  to  class  the  enterprise  herein 
proposed,  with  the  great  revolution  which  gave  birth  to 
our  country,  and  a  practical  example  to  suffering  nations. 
But,  certainly,  to  break  the  shackles  of  that  vice  which 
has  held  and  is  likely  to  hold  millions  of  our  countrymen 
in  a  state  of  moral  bondage  and  of  physical  debility, 
would  be  a  reform  only  inferior  in  importance  to  that  hap 
piest  and  most  glorious  of  human  achievements." 

This  Essay  is  accompanied  by  statistical  tables  of  the 
number  of  drinkers  and  sots,  which  give  results  very 
little  different  from  those  which  were  subsequently  col 
lected  and  arranged  by  temperance  societies. 

Below  is  the  estimate  of  those  who  may  strictly  be 
called  the  intemperate — 


"  Hard  drinkers  daily  becoming  sots ; 
and  who,  on  an  average,  consume 
three  gills  each  a  day,  or  34  7-32 
gallons  a  year, 

"  Sots  rapidly  descending  into  the  grave; 
who,  on  an  average,  drink  five  gills 
each  a  day,  or  57  1-32  gallons  a 
year:  irregularly  drank  in  quantities 
from  a  glass  to  five  pints  a  day, 

"All  Indians  not  included  in  the  cen 
sus  ;  whose  intemperance  is  only 
limited  by  their  means,  (numbers 
supposed,) 


Drinkers. 


300,000        10,265,625 


150,000          8,554,687 


350,000 


2,074,288" 


This  Essay  contains,  a$  above  shown,  some  of  the 
principal  facts  and  arguments  used  within  the  last  twenty 
years,  so  effectually  for  the  suppression  of  the  vice  of  in- 


GENERAL  PAEZ,  OF  COLOMBIA.  189 

temperance.  It  is  supposed  to  have  led  to  the  formation 
of  the  first  temperance  societies  in  the  United  States, 
some  of  the  earliest  in  the  army.  It  certainly  preceded 
them,  in  taking  the  same  ground,  and  maintaining  it  by 
the  same  arguments.  The  example  of  these  efforts  and 
associations  spread  to  Europe,  and  have  been  followed  by 
benign  effects  in  all  quarters  of  the  glqbe. 

In  the  year  1823,  General  Scott  had  taken  some  in 
terest  in  procuring  the  admission  of  the  sons  of  General 
Paez,  of  Colombia,  into  the  United  States  military  acad 
emy  at  West  Point.1  As  General  Paez  was  one  of  the 
most  distinguished  and  enlightened  men  of  South  Ameri 
ca,  and  subsequently  became  president  of  that  republic, 
the  following  correspondence  belongs  to  this  place,  both 
as  relating  to  General  Scott,  and  as  illustrating  the  cor 
diality  and  friendly  sentiments  existing  between  Colom 
bia  and  the  United  States. 


GENERAL  PAEZ  TO  PRESIDENT  MONROE. 

[Translation.] 

"  CARACCAS,  July  28th,  1823. 

"  Most  excellent  sir — 

I  have  read  with  most  lively  satisfaction, 
in  one  of  the  public  papers  of  Venezuela,  a  statement 
of  the  interview  which  your  excellency  conceded  to 
Lieutenant  Colonel  Young,  in  consequence  of  the  per 
mission  you  were  pleased  to  grant  for  the  admission  of 

1  They  received  no  pay  from  the  government. 


190    GENERAL  SCOTT  WRITES  TO  GENERAL  PAEZ. 

my  sons  into  the  Military  Academy  at  West  Point,  at  the 
request  of  General  Scott.  I  have  been  highly  honored  by 
your  excellency,  and  the  admission  of  my  sons  into  your 
national  college,  is  a  laurel  presented  to  me  by  fortune  ; 
but  I  can  never  sufficiently  appreciate  the  desire  which 
you  express  to  see  me  in  your  country,  and  exercise  your 
personal  courtesies  towards  me,  nor  find  language  elo 
quent  enough  to  manifest  my  gratitude.  I  should  be 
happy  if  I  could  soon  conclude  the  sacrifice  which  my 
country  requires  from  me,  in  order  to  proceed  to  the 
United  States,  and  form  a  lasting  friendship  with  your 
excellency.  * 

"  I  beg  you  will  be  pleased  to  accept  the  just  tribute  of 
admiration  and  respect  with  which  I  have  the  honor  to 
be— 

Your  excellency's  most  obedient,  humble  servant, 
JOSE  ANTONIO  PAEZ. 

"  To  His  Excellency  the  President  i 
of  the  United  States."          $ 

t 

GENERAL  SCOTT  TO  GENERAL  PAEZ. 

"  FORTRESS  MONROE,  May  28th,  1823. 
"  Dear  General — 

Our  friend  Lieutenant-Colonel  Young 
is  on  the  point  of  returning  to  Colombia,  and  will  do  me 
the  favor  to  explain  to  you  how  our  correspondence  has 
been  interrupted,  and  the  lively  interest  I  take  in  the 
three  fine  boys  you  have  done  us  the  honor  to  send  among 
us,  for  their  education.  The  President  deemed  this  cir 
cumstance  so  flattering  to  the  United  States,  that,  follow 
ing  up  his  kind  feelings  for  a  sister  republic,  he  imme 
diately  ordered,  with  the  approbation  of  Colonel  Young, 


PROPHETIC  VISION  OF  A  REPUBLICAN.  191 

that  the  boys  should,  as  they  successively  attained  the 
proper  age,  be  admitted  into  our  national  military  semi 
nary,  on  a  footing  with  our  own  cadets.  The  eldest  of 
the  three  will  join  in  a  few  days,  and  I  shall  have  the 
pleasure  of  being  present,  and  of  rendering  him  all  the 
assistance  in  my  power.  You  may  rely  on  a  continuance 
of  those  attentions  to  him,  and  also  to  the  other  two,  who 
are  placed  at  school  near  my  head-quarters . 

"  We  have  heard  with  deep  regret  of  the  loss  of  two  of 
your  ships  of  war,  in  an  action  with  a  much  superior 
force.  Thank  God,  however,  your  independence  and 
liberties  are  placed  beyond  the  reach  of  foreign  aggres 
sion.  In  a  few  years  more,  our  continent  cannot  fail  to 
be  occupied  wholly  by  republics.  Liberty  seems  also 
likely  to  spread  over  a  large  portion  of  Europe ;  and 
among  its  gallant  assertors,  the  Colombian  army  certainly 
occupies  a  foremost  position. 

"  Permit  me,  general,  to  say,  that  I  shall  at  all  times  be 
happy  to  hear  from  you,  and  that  I  am,  with  great  per 
sonal  admiration  and  esteem, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

WINFIELD  SCOTT. 

"  To  General  J.  A.  Paez,  &c.,  &c." 

GENERAL  PAEZ  TO  GENERAL  SCOTT. 

[Translation.] 

"  CARACCAS,  July  20th,  1823. 

"  General — 

The  perusal  of  your  letter  of  the  28th  of 
May  has  afforded  me  the  highest  satisfaction.  In  union 
with  the  information  I  have  received  from  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Young,  and  from  the  public  papers  of  Venezuela, 

'13 


192          CONTROVERSY  ON  BREVET  RANK. 

it  satisfies  me  how  great  is  the  interest  you  are  pleased 
to  take  in  the  education  of  my  children ;  and  I  want  lan 
guage  to  express  my  gratitude  in  terms  worthy  of  your- ' 
self — worthy  of  so  important  a  service,  and  still  more  so 
of  the  government  that  has  given  so  kind  a  reception  to 
my  boys. 

"  If  you  will  have  the  goodness  to  convey  to  your  gov 
ernment  my  sentiments  of  gratitude,  admiration,  and  re 
spect,  I  shall  have  fresh  motives  for  entertaining  towards 
you  the  feelings  of  esteem  which  you  so  well  deserve. 

"  I  join  you  in  congratulations  for  the  events  which  are 
about  to  diffuse  liberty  throughout  Europe.  Would  that 
its  standard  could  be  beheld  from  pole  to  pole  ! 

"  Colombia,  unalterable  in  her  principles,  and  ready  to 
pour  out  the  last  drop  of  blood,  and  reduce  herself  to 
ashes,  rather  than  renounce  her  country,  her  liberty,  and 
her  glory,  congratulates  her  ally  and  her  republican  neigh 
bor  in  the  north,  in  having  consolidated  her  greatness, 
and  planted  her  flag  on  the  downfall  of  tyrants.  Colom 
bia  will  never  forget  that  North  America  stood  foremost 
among  the  nations  of  the  world  to  receive  her  as  an  ally. 

"  You  will  do  me  the  greatest  honor  by  accepting  the 
assurances  of  my  respect  and  friendship,  and  that  I  am, 
with  great  regard, 

Your  attentive  servant, 

JOSE  ANTONIO  PAEZ. 


"  To  Major-General 
United  States  service 


Scott,  > 
ice."    S 


In  the  year  1828,  and  previously,  Scott  became  involved 
in  a  controversy  with  General  Gaines,  touching  the  true 
rights  of  brevet  rank.  Mr.  Adams,  then  President,  had 
appointed  General  Macomb,  major-general  of  the  army, 


ARGUMENT  OF  GENERAL  SCOTT.  193 

there  being  at  that  time  but  one  major-general.  Scott 
had  been  brevetted  major-general,  with  an  older  date  than 
the  commission  of  General  Macomb.  He  therefore  con 
tended  that  brevet  commission  gave  rank,  and  if  rank, 
seniority  to  General  Macomb.  His  argument  on  this 
subject  is  contained  in  a  Memorial  addressed  to  Con 
gress,1  asking  for  a  declaratory  statute.  His  argument 
was — 

1 .  That  "  from  the  commencement  of  the  revolutionary 
war  down  to  the  present  year,  brevet  rank  has  uniformly 
been  held  to  give  command  in  common  with  ordinary 
rank,"  except  only  within  the  body  of  a  regiment,  &c. 

2.  That  there  existed,  "  in  law  or  in  fact,  no  higher 
title  or  grade  in  the   army,  than  that  of  major-general," 
there  being  no  such  thing  as  a  commander-in-chief,  except 
the  President. 

3.  That  he,  General  Scott,  held  a  commission  as  major- 
general,  July   25th,   1814,   of  older   date   than   that   of 
Macomb  or  Gaines. 

If  brevet  commissions  give  rank,  it  must  be  admitted 
this  argument  is  complete.  There  was,  in  fact,  no  such 
thing,  by  law,  as  a  commanding  general,  and  the  com 
mand  would  necessarily  devolve,  first,  on  the  highest  legal 
grade,  and  secondly,  on  the  one  of  the  same  grade  having 
the  oldest  commission. 

Congress,  however,  refused  to  pass  a  declaratory  stat 
ute,  and  the  government  practically  construed  a  brevet 
commission  as  conferring  no  rank. 

In  the  mean  while,  General  Scott  had  placed  his  resig 
nation  at  the  disposal  of  the  government,  which,  however, 

1  35  Nites's  Register,  324. 


194  SCOTT  YIELDS  HIS  OPINION. 

was  not  accepted.  At  length,  after  it  appeared  that  the 
President  and  civil  authorities  took  different  views  of  the 
question  from  himself,  and  after  consultations  with  his 
friends,  he  concluded  to  sacrifice  his  own  feelings  and 
yield  to  the  decision  against  him.  We  subjoin  the  cor 
respondence  between  the  Secretary  at  War  and  General 
Scott,1  alike  honorable  to  him  who  thus  frankly  yielded 
up  his  own  position,  and  to  the  President,  who,  though 
adverse  in  opinion,  yet  cheerfully  sought  to  keep  him  in 
the  service  of  the  country. 

GENERAL  SCOTT  TO  THE  SECRETARY  OF  WAR. 

"  NEW  YORK,  Nov.  10th,  1829. 

"  Sir— 

I  have  seen  the  President's  order  of  the  1 3th  of 
August  last,  which  gives  a  construction  of  the  61st  and 
62d  articles  of  war,  relative  to  rank  or  command. 

"  Humbly  protesting  that  this  order  deprives  me  of 
rights  guarantied  by  those  articles,  and  the  uniform  prac 
tice  of  the  army  under  them,  from  the  commencement  of 
the  government  down  to  the  year  1828,  when  the  new 
construction  was  first  adopted  against  me  ;  in  obedience 
to  the  universal  advice  of  my  friends,  who  deem  it  incum 
bent  on  me  to  sacrifice  my  own  convictions  and  feelings 
to  what  may,  by  an  apt  error,  be  considered  the  repeated 
decision  of  the  civil  authority  of  my  country,  I  have 
brought  myself  to  make  that  sacrifice,  and  therefore  with 
draw  the  tender  of  my  resignation  now  on  file  in  your  de 
partment. 

1  General  Jackson  had  then  become  President.  The  letters  may  be 
found  in  the  37th  of  Niles's  Register,  238. 


LETTER  FROM  SECRETARY  EATON.         195 

"  I  also  ask  leave  to  surrender  the  remainder  of  the  far- 
lough  the  department  was  kind  enough  to  extend  to  me 
in  April  last,  and  to  report  myself  for  duty. 

WINFIELD  SCOTT. 

"  The  Hon.  J.  H.  Eaton,  Secretary  of  War." 

SECRETARY  EATON  TO  GENERAL  SCOTT. 

"  WAR  DEPARTMENT,  i 
Nov.  13th,  1829.    I 
"  Sir— 

Your  letter  of  the  10th  inst.  is  received,  and  I 
take  pleasure  in  saying  to  you,  that  it  affords  the  depart 
ment  much  satisfaction  to  perceive  the  conclusion  to 
which  you  have  arrived  as  to  your  brevet  rights.  None 
will  do  you  the  injustice  to  suppose,  that  the  opinions 
declared  by  you  upon  this  subject,  are  not  the  result  of 
reflections  and  convictions,  but,  since  the  constituted 
authorities  of  the  government  have,  with  the  best  feelings 
entertained,  come  to  conclusions  adverse  to  your  own,  no 
other  opinion  was  cherished,  or  was  hoped  for,  but  that, 
on  your  return  to  the  United  States,  you  would  adopt  the 
course  your  letter  indicates,  and  with  good  feelings  re 
sume  those  duties  of  which  she  has  so  long  had  the 
benefit. 

"  Agreeably  to  your  request,  the  furlough  heretofore 
granted  you  is  revoked  from  and  after  the  20th  instant. 
You  will  accordingly  report  to  the  commanding  general, 
Alexander  Macomb,  for  duty. 

J.  H.  EATON. 

"  To  Major-General  Winfield  Scott." 

In  conformity  to  the  letter  of  the  secretary,  General 
Scott  was  assigned,  by  an  order  from  the  commanding 

13* 


196  APPROACH  OF  TIMES  OF  FEAR. 

general,  to  the  Eastern  department,  and  General  Gaines 
to  the  Western. 

Just  previous  to  this  correspondence,  General  Scott 
had  visited  Europe,  and  made  the  tour  of  France,  Bel 
gium,  and  Germany.  For  the  next  three  years  he  was 
engaged  in  the  ordinary  duties  of  his  department,  till 
1832,  when,  as  we  shall  soon  see,  he  was  called  to  new 
and  very  different  scenes,  where  the  controversy  in 
arms  was  to  be  exchanged  for  the  controversy  with  pesti 
lence,  that  more  fearful  conqueror  than  any  famed  war 
riors  of  the  battle-field. 


TRAITS  OF  INDIAN  CHARACTER.          197 


CHAPTER   XV. 

1831-1832. 

Indian  Character. — Village  of  the  Sacs. — Origin  of  the  Black-Hawk 
War. — Progress  of  the  War. — Its  termination. — Scott  sails  with  the 
troops  from  Buffalo. — Progress  of  the  Asiatic  Cholera. — Sufferings  of 
Scott's  troops. — Scott's  kindness  in  sickness. — Indian  Council  at  Rock 
Island.  —  Ke-o-kuck.  —  Indian  Scenes.  —  Indian  Dances.  —  Indian 
Treaties. 

THE  North  Americanlndians,  if  not  possessed  of  strong 
local  attachments,  have  ever  manifested  a  warm  and  al 
most  sacred  regard  for  the  graves  of  their  ancestors. 
When  passing  by,  they  strew  handfuls  of  earth  upon  them. 
They  part  from  these  tombs  with  bitter  regret,  when 
necessity  makes  them  wanderers  from  their  native  land ; 
and  when  generations  have  passed  away,  even  remote 
descendants  return  to  revisit  and  honor  the  spot  where 
their  dead  have  been  laid. 

This  feeling  is  one  of  the  many  ties  which  united 
them  to  their  original  country,  and  which  have  been  rudely 
and  suddenly  snapped  by  the  whites.  Much  of  the  sym 
pathy  felt  and  expressed  for  the  Indians  is  mere  senti 
ment,  totally  misplaced,  in  any  wise  scheme  of  policy 
either  for  them  or  for  the  ultimate  progress  of  civilization. 
But  this  feeling  of  religious  veneration  for  the  memory  of 
the  dead  is  one  which  demands  the  respect  of  the  highest 
intellect  and  the  most  refined  taste.  Its  violation  by  the 


198        COUNTRY  OF  THE  SACS  AND  FOXES. 

frequent  and  often  unnecessary  separation  of  the  Indians 
from  the  spots  which  they  peculiarly  cherished,  may  well 
excite  the  indignant  censure  of  the  generous  and  the 
good. 

This  disregard  of  the  common  rights  of  humanity  has 
been  one  of  the  principal  causes  of  Indian  wars,  especially 
of  those  which  have  occurred  since  the  Revolution.  The 
superior  power  of  the  whites  is  an  idea  strongly  enough 
impressed  on  Indian  minds  to  prevent  any  aggressions 
from  their  side,  when  they  have  not  been  seduced,  as 
by  Great  Britain  in  the  war  of  1812,  or  have  suffered 
manifest  wrongs  from  the  encroaching  cupidity  of  the 
whites. 

The  principal  village  of  the  Sacs  and  Foxes,  for  a  long 
period  of  time,  was  on  the  beautiful  river  peninsula 
between  Rock  River  and  the  Mississippi,  and  near 
their  junction.1  Here,  in  the  midst  of  a  wilderness  of 
beauty  seldom  equalled,  on  a  soil  so  rich  that  the  Indian 
women  found  little  difficulty  in  planting  and  gathering  their 
corn,  a  band  of  the  Sacs  resided,  as  late  as  1830.2  Their 
chief,  known  as  BLACK  HAWK,  had  been  bom  on  that 
ground.3  Annually  they  had  planted  their  corn.  They 
loved  the  rolling  waters  of  Rock  River.  They  loved  the 
lovely  island  near  its  mouth;  and  they  loved,  as  the  white 
man  loves,  scenes  where,  from  youth  to  age,  they  had 
beheld  the  splendors  of  nature ;  and  they  loved  that 
ancient  village  spot  which  by  repealed  burials  had  be 
come  the  mournful  graveyard  of  the  nation.4 

By  a  treaty  made  with  the  chiefs  of  the  Sacs  in  1804, 


1  Life  of  Black  Hawk,  by  Benjamin  Drake,  Esq.  *  Idem,  p.  98. 

3  Idem,  74.  <  Idem,  94. 


THE  WHITES  TRESPASS   ON  THEIR  LANDS.  199 

these  lands  east  of  the  Mississippi  were  ceded  to  the 
whites  ;  but  it  was  also  provided,  that  so  long  as  they 
belonged  to  the  United  States,  the  Indians  should  have 
the  privilege  of  living  and  hunting  upon  them.1  The 
United  States  also  guarantied  the  Indians  against  any 
intrusion  of  the  white  settlers.  Trespasses,  however,  did 
occur,  by  whites,  in  violation  of  the  laws  of  Congress, 
and  these  acts,  unrestrained  by  the  United  States  gov 
ernment,  were  the  exciting  causes  of  the  jealousy,  irrita 
tion,  and  ultimate  hostility  of  the  Indians.  In  1829,  the 
United  States  put  up  to  public  sale,  and  it  was  sold,  a 
portion  of  the  Sac  village,  which  was  bought  by  an  Indian 
trader.  Black-Hawk,  the  Sac  chief,  became  irritated, 
but  was  advised,  that  if  the  Indians  had  not  sold  the 
lands,  and  would  remain  quiet,  they  would  be  undis 
turbed.  On  the  idea  that  the  Indians  had  not  sold  their 
village,  he  determined  to  remain.2 

In  the  spring  of  1831  the  Indian  squaws  had  planted 
their  corn  as  usual,  when  it  was  ploughed  up  by  the 
whites,  and  the  trespasses  against  the  Indians  continued. 
Black-Hawk  then  gave  notice  to  the  whites,  that  they 
must  remove  from  his  village.  On  the  19th  of  May, 
1831,  a  memorial  was  presented  to  the  governor  of  Illi 
nois,  by  eight  of  the  settlers,  representing  that  the  Indians 
had  threatened  them,  and  were  committing  depredations 
on  the  whites.3  On  the  26th  of  May,  the  governor  of 
Illinois  writes,  that  he  had  called  out  seven  hundred 
militia  to  remove  a  band  of  Sac  Indians,  On  the  28th 
of  May,  he  writes  the  same  to  General  Gaines.  On  the 
29th  of  May,  Gaines  replies  that  he  had  ordered  six  com- 

1  Drake's  Life  of  Bl/ick  Hawk,  54.          "  Idem,  99.         s  Idem,  100. 


200  GENERAL  GAINES  TAKES  THE  SAC  VILLAGE. 

panics  of  the  United  States  troops  from  Jefferson  Bar 
racks  to  Rock  Island,  and  four  other  companies  from 
Prairie  du  Chien,  the  object  of  which  was  to  repel  inva 
sion  and  secure  the  frontier.  On  the  30th  of  May,  the 
United  States  troops  reached  Fort  Armstrong.  A  con 
ference  held  with  the  Indian  chiefs  there  proved  unavail 
ing.  General  Games  then  called  on  the  governor  of  Illi 
nois  for  an  additional  force,  and  on  the  25th  of  June, 
Governor  Reynolds  and  General  Joseph  Duncan,  with 
1 600  mounted  militiamen,  reached  Rock  River.1  On  the 
morning  of  the  26th  General  Gaines  took  possession  of 
the  Sac  village,  without  firing  a  gun  or  meeting  an  Indian. 
The  Indian  party  had  crossed  the  Mississippi,  with  their 
women  and  children,  the  night  previous. 

On  the  30th  of  June,  General  Gaines  and  Gov 
ernor  Reynolds  concluded  a  treaty  of  capitulation,  by 
which  this  band  of  the  Sacs  agreed  to  live  west  of  the 
Mississippi. 

It  is  not  very  interesting,  and  as  little  instructive,  to 
recite  the  petty  differences  and  aggressions  between  the 
whites  and  Black-Hawk's  band,  prior  to  their  second  con 
troversy.  It  is  sufficient  to  say,  that  in  April,  1832, 
Black-Hawk's  band,  in  violation  of  the  treaty  of  the  30th 
of  June,  recrossed  to  the  east  side  of  the  Mississippi,  for 
the  purpose,  as  they  said,  of  joining  the  Winnebagoes 
above,  and  raising  a  crop  of  corn  and  beans  with  them. 
General  Atkinson,  then  in  command  of  the  United  States 
troops  at  Fort  Armstrong,  twice  by  express,  informed 
Black-Hawk,  that  if  he  did  not  return  peaceably  he  would 
be  forced  back.  The  Indians  refused  to  be  driven  back, 

1  Drake's  Life  of  Black  Hawk,  104. 


DEFEAT  OF  THE  ILLINOIS  MILITIA.  201 

and  at  the  same  time  determined  not  to  make  the  first 
attack. 

Black-Hawk,  finding  that  the  tribes  of  the  Northwest 
would  not  join  his  standard,  had  resolved  to  recross  the 
Mississippi.1  They  were  encamped  at  Kish-wa-cokee, 
when  the  event  occurred  which  brought  the  opposing 
forces  into  actual  conflict.  The  Illinois  mounted  militia 
had  proceeded  to  Dixon's  Ferry,  a  point  on  Rock  River 
half  way  between  Rock  Island  and  the  Indian  encamp 
ment.  From  this  point  Major  Stillman,  with  about  two 
hundred  and  seventy-five  mounted  volunteers,  proceeded 
on  a  scouting  expedition  to  Sycamore  Creek,  thirty  miles 
further  up  the  river.  Hearing  that  these  men  were  ap 
proaching,  Black-Hawk  sent  three  young  men  to  meet 
them  with  a  white  flag.  These  young  men  were  met  by 
the  whites,  and  one  of  them  taken  prisoner  and  killed.9 
Of  a  party  of  five  Indians  who  followed  the  former  one, 
with  pacific  intentions,  two  were  also  killed.  The  volun 
teers  pursued  till  the  whole  force  had  crossed  Sycamore 
Creek.  Here,  on  the  14th  of  May,3  they  met  the 
warriors  of  Black-Hawk  advancing  to  avenge  their 
companions,  were  thrown  into  confusion,  recrossed  the 
creek,  and,  after  the  loss  of  twelve  killed,  were  totally 
routed.4 

The  Indian  success  in  this  engagement  encouraged 
them,  while  it  alarmed  the  people  of  Illinois.  On  the 

1  Drake's  Life  of  Black  Hawk,  141. 

8  The  fact  that  this  young  man,  and  the  two  others  following,  were 
killed  by  the  American  troops  in  advance,  is  stated  by  Black  Hawk,  and 
admitted  by  the  followers  of  Stillman. — Drake's  Life  of  Black  Hawk, 
142-145. 

*  42  Niles's  Register,  241.  4  Idem,  283. 


202  DEVOTION  OF  THE  INDIAN  WOMEN. 

15th  of  May,  Governor  Reynolds  issued  his  proclamation, 
calling  out  two  thousand  more  militia,  to  meet  at  Henne- 
pin,  on  the  10th  of  June. 

From  this  time,  during  three  months,  a  succession  of 
actions  took  place  between  the  whites  and  the  Indians, 
with  various  success.  The  banks  of  the  beautiful  Rock 
River,  of  the  Wisconsin,  and  even  of  the  Mississippi, 
were  stained  with  the  blood  of  the  red  and  the  white 
man.  Women  and  children  were  not  spared,  and  more 
than  one  Indian  squaw  fell  in  battle.  It  is  related,  that 
at  one  place  a  ball  broke  the  arm  of  a  little  child  clinging 
to  its  mother's  breast,  and  pierced  her  heart ;  while  the 
child,  taken  up  by  a  kind  American  officer,  was  healed 
and  lived  I1  Starvation  as  well  as  war  pursued  the  bro 
ken  and  flying  Indians,  whose  place  of  refuge  on  the 
Wisconsin  had  been  discovered,  and  they  driven  from 
it.  A  portion  of  them,  including  a  number  of  women 
and  children,  attempted  to  go  down  the  Mississippi, 
but  they  were  overtaken,  and  most  of  them  captured  or 
killed. 

The  main  body,  under  Black-Hawk,  directed  their 
course  to  the  Mississippi,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Iowa 
River.  Here  they  were  overtaken,  on  the  banks  of  the 
Mississippi,  by  General  Atkinson,  with  an  army  of  regu 
lars  and  militia.  They  were  defeated  and  dispersed  in 
the  battle  called  Bad  Axe,  with  the  loss  of  many  killed 
and  prisoners.2  Black-Hawk  himself  escaped,  but  was 
soon  after  taken  and  delivered  up,  on  the  27th  of  August, 


1  Drake's  Life  of  Black-Hawk,  161. 

a  General  Atkinson's  Report  to  General  Macomb,  25th   of  August, 
1832. 


THEIR  LANDS  POSSESSED  BY  THE  WHITES.  203 

to  General  Street,  the  Indian  agent,  by  an  act  of  treachery 
on  the  part  of  two  of  his  followers.1 

Thus  terminated  what  is  called  the  BLACK-HAWK  WAR, 
upon  which  various  opinions  have  been  expressed,  but  of 
which  the  results  were  what  they  invariably  have  been  in 
all  contests  between  the  Indians  and  the  whites.  The 
Indians  were  dispossessed  of  their  lands.  They  retreated 
yet  further  towards  the  setting  sun,  leaving  the  blood  of 
warriors  and  the  tears  of  women  to  water  the  grass  which 
grew  upon  the  graves  of  their  ancestors.  The  whites 
occupy  their  ancient  fields,  dig  up  with  inquisitive  hands 
the  bones  of  the  dead,  replant  the  soil  with  the  rich  and 
verdant  maize,  build  among  them  other,  more  beautiful, 
and  far  more  magnificent  towns  ;  build  other  tombs,  and 
bury  other  dead ;  point  their  spires,  like  their  hopes,  to 
the  blue  summits  of  the  skies,  and  fill  the  circled  earth 
with  the  resounding  fame  of  arts  and  arms  ! 

So  passes  away  one  race  and  is  followed  by  another  ! 
Each  fulfils  in  turn  the  decrees  of  God,  working  the  pur 
poses  of  his  Providence,  and  all  tending  to  that  ultimate 
and  great  end — the  reforming  and  reluming  the  earth. 

In  the  midst  of  the  alarm  excited  in  Illinois,  as  above 
narrated,  and  with  the  expectation  that  the  Winnebagoes, 
Pottawotamies,  and  other  tribes  of  the  North  would  unite 
with  Black-Hawk,  and  thus  occasion  a  general  Indian 
war,  General  Scott  was  ordered  by  the  war  department 
to  proceed  to  the  scene  of  action,  and  take  command  of 
the  forces  destined  to  subdue  the  savages. 

In  the  beginning  of  July,  1832,  Scott  embarked  at  Buf 
falo,  with  a  body  of  nearly  one  thousand  troops,  in  four 

1  Drake's  Life  of  Black-Hawk,  163. 


204  JOURNEYINGS  OF  THE  PESTILENCE. 

steamboats,  for  Chicago.  The  purpose  was  to  reach  Illi 
nois  as  speedily  as  possible,  and  there  co-operate  with 
the  United  States  forces  under  General  Atkinson,  and 
the  Illinois  mounted  militia,  in  the  campaign  against  the 
Indians.  This  purpose  was  counteracted  by  one  of  those 
sudden,  severe,  and  solemn  dispensations  of  Providence, 
which  arrests  the  best-concerted  schemes,  startles  the 
strongest  intellect,  admonishes  man  of  his  weakness,  and 
demonstrates,  in  wonderful  ways,  the  power  of  God  ! 

If  the  traveller  would  pause  on  the  highway,  for  one 
sad  and  thoughtful  moment,  to  contemplate  and  inquire 
the  name  of  some  pale  corpse  suddenly  brought  before 
him ;  so  should  the  historian  pause  in  his  narrative  of 
events  to  remember,  record,  and  reflect  upon  any  one  of 
those  unaccountable  phenomena  in  the  laws  of  existence 
by  which  God  visits  the  sins  of  men  with  the  sweeping 
devastations  of  pestilence. 

The  ASIATIC  CHOLERA  is  one  of  these,  A  native  of 
oriental  countries,  it  was  long  supposed  to  be  confined  to 
Hindostan  and  the  neighboring  regions.  But  in  1831,  it 
spontaneously,  and  without  any  observed  cause,  burst 
from  its  former  limits,  and,  like  an  avalanche,  fell  with 
fearful  force  upon  Northern  Europe.  Crossing  from 
Asia  into  Russia,  it  was  stopped  neither  by  lines  of  lati 
tude,  nor  by  the  cold  snows  of  Scandinavia.  It  entered 
Moscow,  proceeded  to  St.  Petersburg,  ravaged  Hungary, 
and  visited  nearly  all  the  populous  and  renowned  cities 
of  Germany.  Before  it  reached  either  England  or  France, 
two  hundred  thousand  persons  had  already  been  slain  I1 

1  The  following  table  of  deaths  in  the  north  and  centre  of  Europe,  (for  a 
part  only  of  the  cities  and  countries,)  will  prove  the  text : 


IT  WARS  WITH  MAN,  NOT  WITH  NATURE. 


205 


The  Destroyer  stopped  not  there.  It  entered  the  beauti 
ful  metropolis  of  fashion,  and  in  twenty  days  slew  one  in 
every  hundred  of  its  inhabitants  I1  It  entered  England 
in  May,  1832,  and  in  less  than  thirty  days  more,  had 
crossed  the  broad  Atlantic,  in  emigrant  ships,  and  landed 
on  the  shores  of  North  America  !  There,  in  a  temperate 
climate,  with  a  sparse  and  hardy  population,  it  was  not 
yet  arrested.  Various  in  its  effects,  it  was  still  onward. 
It  seemed  to  move  with  some  invisible  spirits  of  the  air. 
It  did  not  seem  to  move  with  the  currents  of  the  wind. 
It  did  not  poison  the  water.  It  did  not  go  or  come  with 
flaming  heats.  Nature  smiled  as  serenely  beautiful,  on 
these  scenes  and  days  of  pestilence,  as  if  she  were  look 
ing  down  upon  a  world  of  joy  and  ministering  to  it  with 


Countries. 

Deaths. 

Of  1000  inhabitants 
were  attacked. 

Of  1000  attacked 
died. 

Hungary,  .     . 

188,000 

4.9 

432 

Moscow,    .     . 

4,690 

24.5 

546 

St.  Petersburg, 

4,757 

26.4 

514 

Vienna,  .    .     . 

1,899 

13.2 

477 

Berlin,    .    .     . 

1,401 

9.24 

631 

Hamburg,  .     . 

455 

3.75 

521 

Prague,      .     . 

1,333 

33.4 

413 

Breslau,      .     . 

671 

16.4 

528 

Koenigsburg,  . 

1,310 

31.2 

699 

Magdeburg,    . 

346 

15.7 

600 

Bremen,     .     . 

694 

46.2 

327 

Stettin,  .    .     . 

250 

15.06 

699 

Halle,     .    .     . 

152 

12.7 

503 

Elbing,  .    .     . 

283 

19.5 

658 

Total,  .     . 

206,241 

Average,  20 

This  table,  it  will  be  seen,  includes  only  Hungary,  and  the  large  towns 
of  Germany,  with  the  cities  of  Moscow  and  St.  Petersburg. 

1  From  the  28th  of  March,  1832,  to  the  14th  of  April,  there  died  seven 
thousand  six  hundred  and  thirty-one  in  Paris.  At  that  time  the  disorder 
had  not  there  reached  its  height,  for  it  continued  in  Paris  till  near  June. 


206        FEARFLL  PROGRESS  OP  THE  PLAGUE. 

I 

fruitful  harvests  I1  One  thing  only  was  certain.  It  moved 
on  with  the  power  of  a  tempest  and  the  terrors  of  death. 
Some  fled.  Some  resigned  themselves  to  what  might 
come.  Some  resorted  to  amusements.  Some  engaged 
with  more  activity  in  business.  Some  were  cheered  in 
the  midst  of  danger  by  a  hopeful  disposition  and  a  peace 
ful  conscience.  But  however  received,  with  hope  or  fear, 
the  feeling  of  a  darkly  overshadowing  evil  was  upon  the 
whole  people.  There  was  a  sense  that  this  was  an  ene 
my  who  could  be  neither  flattered,  nor  frightened,  nor 
bribed  away.  Nor  could  he  be  conquered.  All  medical 
art  failed.  He  must  be  met,  and  met  with  courage,  leaving 
the  event  among  the  unveiled  mysteries  of  Providence. 

Thus  passed  the  cholera  along,  no  impediments  ob 
structing. 

Over  rivers  and  over  lakes,  over  prairies  and  over  for 
ests,  it  swept  with  silent  but  fatal  force.  It  crept  along 
the  low  banks  of  streams,  and  it  ascended  with  the 
morning  mists  the  mountain  side.  In  the  throngs  of  pop 
ulous  cities,  and  in  the  solitude  of  thick  woods,  it  was  still 
the  same.  It  struck  with  the  same  unrelenting  hand  the 
rosy  cheek  of  childhood,  and  the  hoary  locks  of  age.  The 
human  race  stood  before  it,  like  the  forest  trees  or  orchard's 
fruit  before  the  whirlwind  ;  the  storm  comes,  and  the  trees 
fall,  the  limbs  break,  the  shrubs  bend,  the  fruit  is  scatter 
ed  :  the  storm  is  passed,  and  the  remaining  trees  stand 
surrounded  by  broken  trunks  and  by  fallen  branches  ! 

Such  was  the  precise  effect  of  the  cholera  of  1832,  in 


1  It  was  a  singular  fact,  that  in  October,  1832,  on  the  Ohio  river,  when 
in  some  places  the  cholera  was  terrific,  the  sun  never  shone  more  bright, 
nor  was  the  air  and  face  of  nature  ever  more  bland  or  beautiful. 


IT  BREAKS  OUT  AMONG  THE  TROOPS.  207 

the  United  States.  No  history  can  exaggerate  the  sud 
denness,  the  terror,  or  the  irresistible  force  of  its  approach- 
Many,  who  might  be  expected  to  fall  first,  escaped,  while' 
many  of  the  bravest  died  even  from  fear. 

This  was  the  enemy,  the  conqueror  of  conquerors,  which 
attacked  Scott's  expedition  up  the  lakes,  and  soon  de 
stroyed  all  its  power  or  utility  as  a  military  corps.. 

The  Asiatic  cholera,  brought  over  the  ocean  in  an  emi 
grant  ship,  landed  at  Quebec  in  the  beginning  of  June, 
1832.  Thence  it  proceeded  immediately  to  Montreal,  and 
thence  up  the  St.  Lawrence  and  the  lakes  with  great  ra 
pidity. 

Scott  had,  as  we  have  said,  embarked  at  Buffalo  for 
Chicago,  in  the  beginning  of  July,  with  nearly  a  thousand 
men,  in  four  steamboats.  On  the  8th  of  July,  while  on  the 
bosom  of  the  lake,  the  cholera  broke  out  among  the  troops 
with  great  fatality. 

The  facts  attending  the  presence  of  this  plague  among 
the  troops  of  the  northwest  have  been  carefully  recorded 
by  the  journals  of  the  country,  and  they  will  illustrate,  as 
forcibly  as  any  which  can  be  produced,  its  fatal  nature. 

General  Scott,  his  staff,  and  about  two  hundred  and 
twenty  men,  embarked  in  the  steamboat  Sheldon  Thomp 
son,  in  which,  on  the  8th  of  July,  the  cholera  broke  out. 
The  boat  arrived  on  the  10th  inst.,  in  the  night,  at  Chica 
go,1  and  in  a  short  time  left  there.  In  these  half  dozen 
days,  out  of  two  hundred  and  twenty  men,  one  officer 
and  fifty-one  men  died,  and  eighty  were  left  sick,  at  Chi 
cago.2 


1  Scott's  Letter  to  Governor  Reynolds,  42  Niles's  Register,  424. 
s  42  Niles's  Register,  391. 

14 


208  TESTIMONY  OF  WITNESSES. 

In  the  steamboat  Henry  Clay  embarked  Col.  Twiggs, 
with  three  companies  of  artillery,  and  two  or  three  of  in 
fantry. 

The  fate  of  these  was  even  worse  than  that  of  those  in 
the  Sheldon.  Even  a  greater  mortality  in  proportion  was 
experienced,  and  several  of  the  most  promising  officers 
perished.1  The  troops  were  landed  near  Fort  Gratiot,  at 
the  lower  end  of  Lake  Huron,  in  the  neighborhood  of 
which  they  in  a  few  days  met  with  most  extraordinary 
sufferings.  We  have  before  us  two  accounts  of  the 
scenes  there,  and  both  authentic  statements  of  actual 
witnesses. 

One  is  written  to  the  Journal  of  Commerce,  apparently 
by  an  officer.2  It  says,  July  10 — 

"  Our  detachment,  which  consisted  of  about  four  hun 
dred,  has  dwindled  down  to  about  one  hundred  and  fifty, 
by  pestilence  and  desertion. 

"  The  dead  bodies  of  the  deserters  are  literally  strewed 
along  the  road  between  here  and  Detroit.  No  one  dares 
give  them  relief,  not  even  a  cup  of  water.  A  person  on 
his  way  from  Detroit  here,  passed  six  lying  groaning  with 
the  agonies  of  the  cholera,  under  one  tree,  and  saw  one 
corpse,  by  the  road  side,  half  eaten  up  by  the  hogs  !" 

Mr.  Norvell,  of  Detroit,  writes  thus  to  the  editor  of  the 
Philadelphia  Enquirer? 

"  These  troops,  you  will  recollect,  landed  from  the 
steamboat  Henry  Clay,  below  Fort  Gratiot.  A  great 
number  of  them  have  been  swept  off  by  the  disease. 


1  Among  these  was  Dr.  Josiah   Everett,  an  accomplished  officer,  who 
died  at  Fort  Gratiot,  on  the  15th  of  July.    With  him  died  also  Lt.  Clay. 
8  42  Niles's  Register,  391.  » Idem,  390. 


SCOTT  AT  THE  SEAT  OF  WAR.  209 

Nearly  all  the  others  have  deserted.  Of  the  deserters 
scattered  all  over  the  country,  some  have  died  in  the 
woods,  and  their  bodies  have  been  devoured  by  the 
wolves.  I  use  the  language  of  a  gallant  young  officer. 
Others  have  taken  their  flight  to  the  world  of  spirits,  with 
out  a  companion  to  close  their  eyes,  or  console  the  last 
moments  of  their  existence.  Their  straggling  survivors 
are  occasionally  seen  marching,  some  of  them  know  not 
whither,  with  their  knapsacks  on  their  backs,  shunned  by 
the  terrified  inhabitants  as  the  source  of  a  mortal  pesti 
lence." 

At  Chicago,  as  before  and  after,  General  Scott  exposed 
himself,  though  ill,  by  attending  every  officer  and  soldier 
taken  sick.  His  conduct,  in  the  continual  care  and  effort 
for  those  under  his  charge,  has  been  testified  to  by  num 
bers  of  witnesses,  themselves  actors  and  observers  in 
these  scenes. 

Of  the  nine  hundred  and  fifty  men  who  left  Buffalo, 
the  number  was  in  a  short  time  so  reduced,  that  no  more 
than  four  hundred  were  left.  Scott  was  detained  by 
these  melancholy  occurrences  for  several  days,  at  Chica 
go.  As  soon  as  he  was  released,  he  left  Colonel  Eustis 
to  follow  with  his  reduced  command,  and  hastened  across 
the  prairies  to  join  General  Atkinson  on  the  Mississippi. 
He  found  him  at  Prairie  du  Chien,  on  the  3d  of  August, 
the  day  after  the  battle  of  Bad  Axe. 

The  fugitive  Indians  were  soon  brought  in  prisoners, 

both  with  the  remainder  of  the  Sac  and  Fox  confederacy, 

which  had  remained  in  a  state  of  doubtful  neutrality,  and 

with  the  Winnebago  nation,  which  had  covertly  given  aid 

o  Black-Hawk's  band. 

In  the  mean  while,  about  the  middle  of  August,  the 


210  SCOTT'S  KINDNESS  TO  THE  SICK. 

cholera  broke  out1  among  the  regulars  of  Atkinson's  army, 
at  Rock  Island,  whither  Scott  had  descended  from  Fort 
Crawford,  Prairie  du  Chien. 

Here  Scott  was  called  upon  to  exercise  his  wonted 
kindness  by  attendance  upon  the  sick  and  the  dying. 
Night  and  day  he  visited  and  comforted  them,  himself 
always,  when  near  it,  laboring  under  some  of  the  symp 
toms  of  the  disease.  Feeble  in  body,  he  was  yet  almost 
constantly  in  attendance  on  the  afflicted.  Great  were  his 
efforts  to  prevent  the  spread  of  the  disease,  and  to  over 
come  the  symptoms  of  panic,  scarcely  less  to  be  dreaded 
than  the  original  calamity,  which  from  time  to  time  were 
exhibited.  The  mortality  was  appalling,  but  at  length, 
on  the  8th  of  September,  the  infection  disappeared. 

To  Scott's  humane  and  generous  conduct,  throughout 
this  terrible  battle  with  pestilence,  both  at  Rock  Island 
and  on  the  Lakes,  we  have  the  testimony  of  one  who  was 
an  eye-witness,  and  whose  situation  made  him  in  all  re 
spects  disinterested.  We  shall  quote  his  own  words 
— a  language  as  reliable  as  that  of  official  documents. 
He  says  that  "  the  general's  course  of  conduct  on  that 
occasion  should  establish  for  him  a  reputation  not  inferior 
to  that  which  he  has  earned  in  the  battle-field ;  and  should 
exhibit  him  not  only  as  a  warrior,  but  as  a  man — not  only 
as  the  hero  of  battles,  but  as  the  hero  of  humanity.  It  is 
well  known  that  the  troops  in  that  service  suffered  se 
verely  from  the  cholera,  a  disease  frightful  enough  from 
its  rapid  and  fatal  effects,  but  which  came  among  us  the 
more  so,  from  the  known  inexperience  of  our  medical 


1  43  Niles's  Register,  51.    Dr.  Coleman,  Laeuta.  Gale  and  Torrance, 
with  numbers  of  soldiers,  died. 


HIS  LAURELS  ON  THE  MISSISSIPPI.  211 

men,  and  from  the  general  belief,  at  that  time,  in  its  con 
tagiousness.  Under  such  circumstances  it  was  clearly 
the  general's  duty  to  give  the  best  general  directions  he 
could  for  proper  attendance  on  the  sick,  and  for  prevent 
ing  the  spread  of  the  disease.  When  he  had  done  this, 
his  duty  was  performed,  and  he  might  have  left  the  rest 
to  his  medical  officers.  But  such  was  not  his  course. 
He  thought  he  had  other  duties  to  perform,  that  his  per 
sonal  safety  must  be  disregarded  to  visit  the  sick,  to  cheer 
the  well,  to  encourage  the  attendants,  to  set  an  example 
to  all,  and  to  prevent  a  panic — in  a  word,  to  save  the  lives 
of  others  at  the  risk  of  his  own.  All  this  he  did  faith 
fully,  and  when  he  could  have  had  no  other  motive  than 
that  of  doing  good.  Here  was  no  glory  to  be  acquired  ; 
here  were  none  of  the  excitements  of  the  battle-field ; 
here  was  no  shame  to  be  avoided,  or  disgrace  to  be 
feared  ;  because  his  general  arrangements  and  directions 
to  those  whose  part  it  was  to  battle  with  sickness,  had 
satisfied  duty.  His  conduct  then  exhibited  a  trait  in  his 
character  which  made  a  strong  impression  on  me,  and 
which,  in  my  opinion,  justice  requires  should  not  be  over 
looked."1 

This  is  the  language  of  a  calm,  intelligent,  and  impar 
tial  observer.  It  proves  that  the  laurels  of  Niagara  had 
bloomed  again  on  the  banks  of  the  Mississippi,  but  no 
longer  with  crimson  flowers.  They  now  appear  in  those 
soft  and  lovely  hues  which  make  them  kindred  with  the 
kindest  and  gentlest  of  human  emotions. 

Near  the  middle  of  September,  the  cholera  having  sub- 


J  Private  letter  of  an  officer  of  the  army. 

14* 


212  THE  GREAT  MAN  OF  THE  SACS. 

sided,  the  negotiations  commenced  with  the  Indian  tribes, 
for  the  final  settlement  of  difficulties.  The  scene  of  ne 
gotiation  was  Rock  Island.  The  commissioners  on  the 
part  of  the  United  States  were  General  Scott  and  Gov 
ernor  Reynolds.  There,  for  several  weeks,  they  received 
and  entertained  parties  of  the  SACS,  FOXES,  WINNEBA- 
GOES,  Sioux,  and  MENOMINIES — all  warlike  nations,  and 
often  at  war  with  one  another.  They  now  appeared — 
constrained  into  peace  or  neutrality  by  the  presence  of 
well-disciplined  battalions — mingling  together  in  the  wild 
and  martial  costume  of  their  race. 

Of  these  tribes,  the  SACS  and  FOXES,  kindred  and 
confederate  clans,  were  the  dandies  and  sometimes  the 
Mamelukes  of  the  forest.  Though  not  very  numerous, 
they  are  the  first  in  war,  the  first  in  the  chase,  and  the 
first  in  all  that  constitutes  Indian  wealth — cattle,  horses, 
and  clothing.  Among  these  there  was  a  master  spirit, 
the  celebrated  KE-O-KUCK,  a  Sac,  then  in  the  prime  of 
life,  tall,  robust,  manly,  and  who  excelled  all  the  sur 
rounding  red-men  in  wisdom  and  eloquence  in  council,1 
in  the  majestic  graces  of  the  Indian  dance,  and  in  bold 
adventure  against  the  buffalo,  the  beer,  and  the  hostile 
Sioux  and  Menominie.  Yet  this  person  was  not  by  birth 
a  chief,  and  therefore  held  no  hereditary  power.  He  rose 
to  be  head  man  of  the  nation  simply  by  his  superior  abili 
ties.2  Becoming  jealous  of  him,  however,  the  tribe  at 
one  time  deposed  him.3  From  this  degradation,  which 
he  bore  with  great  patience  and  equanimity,  he  was  not 

1  It  was  he  who,  by  delineating  to  the  Sac  nation  their  true  relations  to 
the  whites,  restrained  the  Indians  from  joining  Black-Hawk's  band  in  the 
war.  Drake's  Life  of  Black  Hawk,  116. 

a  Drake's  Life  of  Black  Hawk,  115.  s  Idem,  123. 


STRANGE  AND  PICTURESQUE  SCENES.  213 

altogether  restored  at  the  time  of  the  treaty  of  Rock- 
Island.  He  was  at  that  time  a  kind  of  treasurer  and 
keeper  of  the  records  for  the  nation.  In  consequence  of 
his  great  merit  and  talent,  General  Scott  prevailed  upon  the 
principal  persons  of  the  nation  again  to  elevate  him  to  the 
chieftaincy,  from  which  he  was  not  again  removed. 

The  scenes  exhibited  during  these  conferences,  were  of 
the  deepest  interest  and  the  most  picturesque  kind.  They 
were  adapted  rather  to  the  pencil  of  a  poet  or  a  painter 
than  to  the  grave  records  of  history.  The  wild  son  of 
nature,  scarcely  more  barbarous  than  those  old  Greek 
warriors  whose  names  the  song  of  Homer  has  borne  from 
age  to  age  on  the  wings  of  fame,  here  confronted  the  man 
of  art  and  civilization,  face  to  face,  in  warlike  array,  and 
in  peaceful  amusement.  The  song,  the  dance,  the  chase, 
the  rolling  drum  and  the  whooping  shout,  the  white 
soldier  and  the  tawny  maiden,  were  mingled  together  in 
this  conference  between  the  retreating  representatives  of 
barbarism  and  the  advancing  children  of  improvement. 

When  the  chiefs  and  warriors  of  the  confederacy  on 
extraordinary  occasions  approached  head-quarters,  it  was 
always  with  the  loud  tramp  and  shout,  which  seemed  to 
be  rather  the  clangor  of  war  than  the  forms  of  ceremony. 
When  a  council  was  to  meet,  they  came  at  a  furious 
charge ;  suddenly  dismounted,  arranged  themselves  in 
order,  and  then,  between  lines  of  soldiers,  entered  the 
pavilion  with  the  firmness  of  victors,  but  with  all  the  deep 
solemity  of  a  funeral.  Arrayed  in  scarlet  hues,  their 
national  color,  sometimes  on  foot  and  sometimes  mounted, 
nothing  could  be  more  striking  than  the  fine  figures,  arms, 
and  costume  of  the  men.  Their  wives  and  daughters, 
too,  were  better  looking,  better  clothed  and  ornamented, 


214  WAR  DANCE  OF  KE-0-KUCK. 

than  other  Indian  women,  and  generally  sustained  tJhe  re 
putation  of  virtue  and  modesty. 

In  the  afternoons  the  scene  was  frequently  enlivened 
by  Indian  dances  at  head-quarters.  These  dances  are 
generally  pantomimes,  remarkably  descriptive  of  the 
achievements,  events,  and  history  of  the  individual  or  the 
tribe.  They  are  exhibited  by  a  large  number  of  young 
warriors  at  the  same  time,  to  the  music  of  rude  instru 
ments,  and  accompanied  by  occasional  whoopings.  The 
dancers  are  strictly  attentive  to  time  and  order,  rendering 
their  movements  accordant  by  the  modulation  of  the 
hand.  The  dances  are  principally,  either  the  war,  buffalo, 
or  corn  dances. 

The  Sac  chief  Ke-o-kuck1  executed  a  pas  seul,  pre 
senting  a  spirited  account  of  a  war  expedition,  which  he 
had  himself  conducted  against  the  Sioux.  The  spectator 
having  only  a  slight  intimation  of  the  subject,  had  yet  pre 
sented  distinctly  to  his  mind  the  whole  story  in  its  vivid 
details.  He  saw  the  distance  overcome,  the  mountains 
and  streams  passed,  the  scouts  of  the  enemy  slain,  the 
crooked,  stealthy  approach,  the  ambush  laid,  the  terrible 
whoop  and  onslaught,  and  the  victory  which  followed  as 
the  crowning  triumph  of  the  warrior. 

Sometimes  these  Indian  dances  were  followed  by  cotil 
lions,  to  the  music  of  a  military  band,  in  which  the 
American  officers  mixed,  as  partners  and  instructors  of 
the  Indians.  In  these  amusements  the  Indian  ladies  were 
too  modest  to  engage,  but  graced  the  scene  with  their 
presence,  and  testified  their  enjoyment  by  cheers  and 
laughter.  Meanwhile,  a  guard  of  grenadiers  looked 

1  Ke-o-kuck  signifies,  he  who  has  been  everywhere. 


CONFERENCES  WITH  THE  INDIANS.  215 

on  with  quiet  delight — a  band  of  martial  music  sent  forth 
its  melody,  fireworks  sent  up  their  red  light  and  gleamed 
against  the  evening  sky,  shells  and  rockets  burst  in 
the  air,  the  distant  hills  returned  the  echo,  and  these 
were  mingled  with  the  shrill  shrieks  of  Indian  applause. 
Refreshments  were  handed  round  nearly  in  the  manner 
of  our  cities.  Thus  the  white  and  the  red  man,  the  son 
of  the  forest  and  the  pupil  of  cities,  the  aboriginal  and 
the  Anglo-Saxon,  were  mingled  together  in  social  amuse 
ments  with  strong  and  singular  contrast. 

The  conferences  and  treaty  which  followed  were  of 
high  importance,  both  to  the  Indians  and  the  United  States. 
Governor  Reynolds  being  an  eminent  lawyer  and  a  high 
political  functionary,  was  requested  to  take  the  lead  in  the 
councils.  He,  however,  declining,  it  became  the  duty  of 
General  Scott  to  conduct  the  discussions.  His  speeches, 
and  those  of  the  Indian  orators  were  ably  and  promptly 
interpreted  and  taken  down  at  the  time,  by  the  secretary 
to  the  commissioners,  the  late  talented  and  accomplished 
Captain  Richard  Bache,  of  the  army.  By  him  they  were 
deposited  in  the  archives  of  the  war  department. 

The  interviews  with  the  deputations  of  the  Sioux  and 
Menominees  were  interesting,  although  merely  incidental 
to  the  war,  which  was  now  about  to  be  terminated.  But 
with  the  confederacy  to  which  Black-Hawk  belonged,  as 
also  with  the  Winnebagoes,  their  accomplices,  the  nego 
tiations  and  their  results  were  at  once  grave  and  impor 
tant.  Scott  opened  the  council  with  a  speech  to  the  Sacs 
and  Foxes.  He  paid  a  just  compliment  to  Ke-o-kuck  and 
certain  other  chiefs,  for  their  prudence  and  patriotism  in 
preventing  the  larger  body  of  their  people  from  rushing 
into  a  war,  which  Black  Hawk  madly  expected  with  twelve 


216  GENERAL  SCOTT's  OPENING  SPEECH. 

hundred  warriors,  to  carry  to  the  shores  of  the  lakes  and 
the  Ohio  !  He  adverted  to  the  fact,  that  the  Mississippi 
was  passed  and  the  invasion  commenced,  without  it  being 
known  to  the  government  or  people  of  the  United  States, 
that  any  serious  cause  of  complaint  existed  on  the  part  of 
their  red  brethren.  He  declaimed  against  the  crime  of 
violating  a  solemn  treaty  of  friendship,  such  as  had  long 
existed  between  the  parties ;  against  the  murders  and 
desolations  committed  upon  defenceless  and  unoffending 
settlers.  He  complimented  Brigadier-General  Atkinson 
and  his  troops  on  their  vigorous  pursuit  and  final  defeat  of 
the  lawless  invaders  :  recalled  the  pai»s  which  had  been 
taken  for  weeks  after  the  battle,  to  hunt  up  the  wounded, 
the  women  and  children,  to  save  them  from  imminent 
starvation  ;  and  the  extraordinary  care,  seen  and  admired 
by  all,  which  had  been  bestowed  on  those  pitiable  cap 
tives.1  He  contrasted  these  acts  of  humanity  with  the 
cruelties  perpetrated  on  the  other  side  ;2  and  took  care 
that  the  great  superiority  of  Christianity  and  civilization 
should  be  perceived  and  felt  by  all  who  heard  him. 
He  next  turned  to  the  question  of  settlement,  under  the 


1  The  stragglers  were  mostly  brought  in  by  the  Sioux,  who  were  re 
quested  to  perform  that  charitable  service.     A  great  chief  and  his  wife, 
who  were  childless,  had  picked  up  a  female  infant,  whose  father  had  been 
killed,  and  whose  mother  had  died  of  hunger.     The  aged  Sioux  had  be 
come  exceedingly  attached  to  the  foundling,  and  begged  to  be  allowed  to 
retain  it ;  but  the  surviving  relatives  demanded  the  child,  and  General 
Scott  was  powerfully  appealed  to  on  both  sides.     Nothing  could  be  more 
torching  than  the  simple  eloquence  of  the  would-be  parents.    By  interces 
sion   and  presents,  consent  was  obtained,  and   the  finders  carried  off  the 
prize. 

2  There  were  cruelties  on  both  sides,  and  some  that  General  Scott  was 
probably  not  aware  of. 


TREATY  WITH  THE  SACS  AND  FOXES.        217 

instructions  received  by  the  commissioners,  stated  the 
cost  of  the  war  to  the  United  States  to  be  more  than  a 
million  of  dollars  ;  and  claimed  the  right  of  holding,  with 
out  further  price,  any  reasonable  portion  of  the  enemy's 
country,  then  in  the  power  of  the  conquerors ;  and  after 
laying  down  the  principle  of  indemnity  in  its  utmost  rigor, 
he  concluded — "  But,  as  the  great  God  above,  alike  the 
Father  of  the  white  and  red  man,  often  deals  mildly  with 
his  children,  even  when  they  have  grossly  sinned  against 
his  holy  law  and  their  own  best  interests,  so  would  the 
people  of  the  United  States,  in  the  fulness  of  their  power, 
imitate  the  Divine  example,  and  temper  justice  with 
mercy,  in  dealing  with  their  feeble  brethren  of  the  forest." 

These  discussions  finally  ended  in  the  consummation 
of  treaties  with  these  tribes,  which  secured  to  the  United 
States  immensely  valuable  tracts  of  land,  while  it  also 
secured  to  the  Indians  peace  and  protection. 

Two  treaties  were  concluded.1  The  one  with  the  Sacs 
and  Foxes  ceded  to  the  United  States  about  six  millions 
of  acres,  constituting  the  greater  part  of  the  then  territory 
and  now  state  of  Iowa.  It  is  one  of  the  best  parts  of  the 
Union — fertile  in  soil,  sufficiently  temperate  in  climate, 
and  abounding  in  lead  and  other  mineral  ores. 

In  consideration  of  this  valuable  cession,  the  United 
States  gave  a  reservation  of  about  four  hundred  square 
miles,  on  the  Iowa  River,  to  Ke-o-kuck  and  his  friendly 
band ;  agreed  to  pay  the  Indians  an  annuity  of  twenty 
thousand  dollars  per  annum  for  thirty  years  ;  to  pay  the 
debts  of  the  tribe  ;  and  to  employ  a  blacksmith  and  gun- 

'43  Niies's  Register,  114. 


21 S         TREATY  WITH  THE  WINNEBAGOES. 

smith,  in  addition,  for  them.  Besides  this,  the  confederate 
tribes  were  left  ample  space  to  plant  and  hunt  in,  for 
themselves  and  their  posterity. 

A  similar  treaty  was  made  with  the  Winnebagoes,  by 
which  they  ceded  to  the  United  States  nearly  five  millions 
of  acres,  east  of  the  Mississippi,  north  of  the  Illinois,  and 
south  of  the  Wisconsin,  comprehending  a  large  and  valu 
able  part  of  the  present  territory  of  Wisconsin.  To  the 
Indians  were  reserved  the  lands  beyond  the  River  Wis 
consin  and  Lake  Winnebago.  To  them  also  were  granted 
annuities  nearly  as  liberal  as  in  the  case  of  the  Sacs,  to 
gether  with  hunting  grounds  beyond  the  Mississippi,  and 
opposite  to  those  reserved. 

These  treaties  have  been  of  great  value  and  importance 
to  the  people  of  the  United  States.  In  a  little  more  than 
twelve  years,  the  lands  thus  granted  have  become  the 
abode  of  tens  of  thousands  of  civilized  and  intelligent 
settlers.  The  territory  of  Iowa  as  well  as  that  of  Wis 
consin,  promises  to  be  among  the  most  fertile  as  well  as 
best  populated  parts  of  the  American  Union. 

In  these  transactions  with  several  tribes  of  Indians, 
Scott  had  the  good  fortune  to  be  regarded  by  them  as  a 
friend  and  a  brother.  He  has  since,  in  the  East,  been 
visited  by  both  Ke-o-kuck  and  Black-Hawk ;  and  more 
recently,  (in  1839,)  has  been  most  kindly  received  by  the 
Winnebagoes,  at  their  own  homes  in  Wisconsin. 

In  allusion  to  these  transactions  with  the  Indians,  and 
to  his  generous  services  in  ameliorating  the  horrors  and 
sufferings  produced  by  the  cholera,  the  Secretary  of  War, 
General  Cass,  said,  in  reply  to  Scott's  final  report — 

"  Allow  me  to  congratulate  you,  sir,  upon  this  fortunate 
consummation  of  your  arduous  duties,  and  to  express  my 


APPROVAL  OF  SECRETARY  CASS.  219 

entire  approbation  of  the  whole  course  of  your  proceed 
ings,  during  a  series  of  difficulties  requiring  higher  moral 
courage  than  the  operations  of  an  active  campaign,  under 
ordinary  circumstances." 

The  assertion  of  the  secretary  was  entirely  correct;  for 
there  have  not  been  wanting  those  who  had  defied,  in  the 
high  hope  of  glory,  all  the  death-dealing  agents  of  the 
bloody  battle ;  and  yet,  as  if  terror-stricken  by  some  in 
visible  power,  have  quietly  sunk  under  the  fears  of  pesti 
lence.  Those  who  knew  best,  have  testified  in  this  as 
in  other  actions,  not  only  to  the  moral  courage,  but  to  that 
invaluable  trait  of  character,  a  sagacious  presence  of  mind, 
in  General  Scott,  which  has  borne  him  successfully 
through  all  the  varied  scenes  of  danger,  of  enterprise, 
and  of  high  intellectual  demand,  either  moral  or  physical, 
into  which  his  active  life  has  led  him. 


220         SCOTT  SENT  TO  SOUTH  CAROLINA. 


CHAPTER   XVI. 

1828  TO  1832. 

General  Scott  ordered  to  Charleston.— Tariff  of  1828.— Colleton  Meeting. 
— Resistance  to  the  Laws  proposed. — McDuffie's  Speech. — St.  Helena 
Resolution. — Germ  of  Nullification. — Major  Hamilton's  Speech  at 
Walterborough. — Nullification. — Resolutions  of  the  South  Carolina  Leg- 
islature.^J.  C.  Calhoun's  Letter  from  Fort  Hill. — Judge  Smith'« 
answer  at  Spartanburg. — -Union  Party. — Convention. — Ordinance  of 
Nullification. — Governor  Gayle. — State  Resolutions. — General  Jack 
son's  Proclamation. — Troops  ordered  to  Charleston. — General  Scott's 
Orders. — Scott's  Arrangements. — Test  Oath. — Night  Scene  in  Charles 
ton. — Conduct  of  the  Army  and  Navy. — Fire  in  Charleston  and  Inci 
dents. — Scott's  Correspondence. 

GENERAL  SCOTT  had  scarcely  returned  from  the  scenes 
of  Indian  wars  and  Indian  treaties  in  the  West,  when  he 
was  called  to  mingle  in  others  on  the  Southern  border, 
\vhich  threatened  far  more  danger  to  the  peace  and  safety 
of  the  American  Union.  He  arrived  at  New  York  in 
October,  1832,  and  had  been  with  his  family  but  a  day  or 
two,  when  he  was  ordered  to  Washington,  to  receive  a 
new  mission  and  a  new  trust.  After  a  conference  with 
the  president  and  cabinet,  on  the  difficulties  which  had 
arisen  in  South  Carolina,  he  was  dispatched  in  that  direc 
tion  on  a  business  of  the  greatest  delicacy  and  impor 
tance,  and  with  powers  requiring  the  exercise  of  the 
highest  discretion. 


PASSAGE  OF  THE  TARIFF  OF  1828.  221 

This  difficulty  was  the  attempt  to  nullify  the  revenue 
laws  of  the  United  States,  by  the  action  of  a  single  state, 
South  Carolina.  This  theory,  and  the  events  which  fol 
lowed  its  assertion  in  that  state,  are  commonly  called 
"  nullification."  It  is  unnecessary  here  to  discuss  any 
of  the  opinions  held  by  various  men  and  parties  in  the 
questions  connected  with  a  tariff  of  revenue  duties,  or 
with  the  reserved  rights  of  the  states.  It  is  necessary, 
however,  to  give  the  reader  a  candid  statement  of  the 
facts  and  events  in  this  singular  portion  of  American  his 
tory,  in  order  that  the  precise  situation  of  the  country, 
when  General  Scott  arrived  at  Charleston,  its  internal 
dangers,  and  the  part  he  had  in  quieting  those  difficulties, 
may  be  fairly  understood.  In  this,  there  is  no  need  of 
inquiring  into  motives,  and  little  chance  of  error  ;  for  the 
parts  of  the  several  actors  were  performed  in  public,  re 
corded  by  the  public  press,  and  sent  upon  the  winds  by 
the  voices  of  a  thousand  witnesses.  It  was  not  so,  how 
ever,  with  the  part  of  General  Scott ;  for  his  duties  were 
confidential.  They  were  required  to  be  performed  with 
silence  and  delicacy.  Hence,  however  much  might  de 
pend  upon  his  discretion,  the  mere  fact  of  its  exercise 
afforded  little  that  was  tangible  and  expressive  to  the  pen 
of  history.  Yet  we  shall  see,  that  his  position  and  con 
duct  there  exercised  a  controlling  influence  over  the  event, 
and  contributed  mainly  to  the  peaceful  termination  of  the 
controversy. 

The  excitement  which  terminated  in  what  was  called 
"nullification,"  commenced  in  consequence  of  the  passage 
of  the  tariff  act  of  1828.  That  act  raised  the  revenue 
duties  levied  on  the  importation  of  foreign  goods  higher 
than  any  previous  revenue  act  of  the  United  States.  It 


222       VOTE  OF  THE  STATES  ON  THE  TARIFF. 

was  passed  avowedly  for  the  protection  of  American  in 
dustry.  It  was  resisted  by  nearly  all  the  representatives 
of  the  cotton-planting  states,  on  the  ground  that  it  was  in 
jurious  to  their  interests  and  contrary  to  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States.  They  argued,  that  the  greater  the 
duties,  the  less  the  importations;  and  that  the  less  the  im 
portations,  the  less  would  be  the  exportations  ;  because 
foreign  nations  would  have  less  ability  to  purchase. 
They  deemed  it  unconstitutional,  because  they  said  it 
was  unequal  taxation.1 

This  was  the  substance  of  the  argument  by  which  a 
majority  of  the  citizens  of  South  Carolina  arrived  at  a 
belief,  that  the  tariff  act  was  both  injurious  to  them,  and 
unconstitutional.  On  this  belief,  they  proceeded  to  resist 
the  act  by  public  meetings  and  inflammatory  resolves, 
and  finally  to  advance  and  carry  out  the  doctrines  of  nulli 
fication. 

The  tariff  act  of  1828  was  passed  on  the  15th  of  May 
of  that  year,  and  from  that  time  henceforward  for  more 
than  four  years,  a  continual  excitement  was  kept  up  in 
the  extreme  southern  states,  especially  South  Carolina 
and  Georgia.  In  South  Carolina,  however,  the  most 
ultra  measures  were  proposed,  and  there  the  question  was 

1  The  vote  of  the  House  of  Representatives  on  the  tariff  act  of  1828, 
should  be  borne  in  mind  in  order  that  we  may  clearly  understand  how 
the  great  interests  of  the  country  voted. 

Yeas.     JVny*.  Yeat.  JVay* 


New  England,  16      23 

New  York,  New  Jersey,  )  ,r         ~ 

and  Pennsylvania,         ^ 
Ohio,    Indiana,    Illinois,  i 

Kentucky,    and    Mia-  >29         1 


6oun, 


Delaware  and  Maryland,    2       5 
Virginia,  North  Carolina,  ~\ 
South   Carolina,  Geor 
gia,    Louisiana,    Ten-  >3     60 
nesaee,  Alabama,  and  I 
Mississippi,  J 


Total,  105  yeas  ;  95  nays. 


ADDRESS  OF  THE  COLLETON  MEETING.  223 

brought  to  a  direct  issue,  and  bloodshed  even  only  averted 
by  the  great  caution  of  the  public  officers,  and  the  milder 
temperament  of  Congress. 

This  act,  as  we  have  narrated,  was  passed  by  the  house 
on  the  15th  of  May,, and  on  the  12th  of  June,  only  twenty- 
eight  days  afterwards,  the  citizens  of  Colleton  district, 
South  Carolina,  assembled  at  the  court-house,  in  Walter- 
borough,  and  there  adopted  "  an  address  to  the  people  of 
South  Carolina,"1  which  openly  avowed  the  doctrine  of 
resistance  to  the  laws  of  the  Union. 

This  address  contains  the  following  passages — 

"  What  course  is  left  us  to  pursue  ?  If  we  have  the 
common  pride  of  men,  or  the  determination  of  freemen, 
we  must  resist  the  imposition  of  this  tariff.  We  stand 
committed.  To  be  stationary  is  impossible.  We  must 
either  retrograde  in  dishonor  and  in  shame,  and  receive 
the  contempt  and  scorn  of  our  brethren  superadded  to  onr 
wrongs,  and  their  system  of  oppression  strengthened  by 
our  toleration ;  or  we  must  '  by  opposing,  end  them.' 

"  In  advising  an  attitude  of  open  resistance  to  the  laws 
of  the  Union,  we  deem  it  due  to  the  occasion,  and  that 
we  may  not  be  misunderstood,  distinctly  but  briefly  to 
state,  without  argument,  our  constitutional  faith.  For  it 
is  not  enough  that  imposts  laid  for  the  protection  of  do 
mestic  manufactures  are  oppressive,  and  transfer  in  their 
operation  millions  of  our  property  to  northern  capitalists. 
If  we  have  given  our  bond,  let  them  take  our  blood. 
Those  who  resist  these  imposts  must  deem  them  uncon 
stitutional,  and  the  principle  is  abandoned  by  the  payment 
of  one  cent  as  much  as  ten  millions." 

1  Colleton  Addresses,  34  Niles,  288-290. 
15 


224  MR.  MCDUFFIE'S  TOAST. 

In  this  address,  according  to  its  own  terms,  an  attitude 
was  assumed  "  of  open  resistance  to  the  laws  of  the 
Union." 

Another  address  was  adopted  at  the  same  time,  request 
ing  that  Governor  Taylor  would  "  immediately  convene 
the  legislature  of  the  state."  The  Colleton  movement  of 
"open  resistance  to  the  laws"  was,  however,  not  seconded 
by  other  portions  of  the  state,  at  that  time,  and  Governor 
Taylor,  in  a  letter  dated  the  4th  of  July,  1828,  declined 
calling  the  legislature  together,  prudently  remarking,  that 
"  the  time  of  great  public  excitement  is  not  a  time  pro 
pitious  for  cool  deliberation,  or  wise  determination."1 

On  the  19th  of  June,  a  dinner  was  given,  at  Columbia, 
South  Carolina,  to  Mr.  George  McDuffie,  one  of  the 
representatives  in  Congress.2  At  this  dinner,  he  recom 
mended  the  laying,  by  the  state,  of  a  tax  on  Northern 
manufactured  goods,  and  concluded  with  the  toast,  which 
was  drunk  with  great  applause3 — 

"  Millions  for  defence,  not  a  cent  for  tribute." 

During  the  remainder  of  the  year  1828,  the  excitement 
increased  in  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  and  some  parts  of 
Alabama.  Many  public  dinners  were  given  to  the  repre 
sentatives  of  South  Carolina,  especially  Mr.  George 
McDuffie.  At  these  assemblies  inflammatory  toasts  were 
given,  and  numerous  warm  speeches  made.  Several  of 
the  newspapers  in  the  lower  part  of  South  Carolina  spoke 
as  if  that  state  had  been  deprived  of  her  constitutional 
rights,  and  the  general  government  converted  into  an  ab- 

1  Governor  Taylor's  Letter,  34  Niles,  366. 
*  34  Niles,  302.  '  Idem,  339. 


ST.  HELENA  RESOLUTION.  225 

solute  despotism,  which  it  was  as  much  the  duty  of  citi 
zens  to  resist,  as  if  they  had  lived  in  the  days  of  the 
Revolution,  and  were  opposing  the  taxation  of  Great 
Britain.1 

Nullification  was  not  then  altogether  formed  and  shaped 
in  the  plans  of  those  disposed  to  resist  the  general  gov 
ernment.  There  was,  however,  a  germ  of  that  idea  found 
in  several  of  the  resolutions  passed  at  public  meetings. 

At  the  parish  of  St.  Helena  the  following  resolution 
was  passed — 

"  Resolved,  That,  differing  from  those  of  our  fellow- 
citizens  who  look  to  home  production,  or  more  consump 
tion  of  the  fabrics  of  the  tariff  states,2  as  a  relief  from  our 
present  burdens,  we  perceive  in  these  expedients  rather 
an  ill-judged  wasting  of  the  public  energy,  and  diversion 
of  the  public  mind,  than  an  adequate  remedy  for  the  true 
evil,  the  usurping  spirit  of  Congress,  which  (since  that 
body  will  never  construe  down  its  own  powers)  can  be 
checked,  in  our  opinion,  only  by  the  action  of  states  op 
posed  to  such  usurpation."3 

This  was  the  germinal  idea  of  what  afterwards  became 
nullification,  though  perhaps  not  first  announced  at  that 
particular  place. 

In  many  counties  of  Georgia  the  anti-tariff  excitement 
was  also  developed,  in  public  meetings  and  resolutions ; 
but  there  the  measures  were  not  of  the  same  species.  It 
was  there  proposed  to  lay  an  excise  duty  on  Northern 


1  34  Niles,  302.     See  the  body  of  McDuffie's  speech. 

1  This  was  in  reference  to  the  fact,  that  at  many  of  the  meetings  in 
South  Carolina,  it  was  resolved  to  wear  only  their  own  manufactures,  and 
abstain  wholly  from  those  made  north  of  the  Potomac.  • 

3  35  Niles,  page  62. 


226  SPEECH  OF  MAJOR  HAMILTON. 

manufactures,  and  it  was  resolved  not  to  consume  the 
produce,  especially  the  staple  articles,  of  Kentucky,  Ohio, 
and  other  states,  which  had  supported  the  tariff.1 

The  grand  jury  of  Wilkes  county,  Georgia,  at  the  close 
of  the  session  of  the  superior  court,  in  which  the  Hon. 
William  H.  Crawford  presided  as  judge,  made  the  sub 
ject  of  the  tariff  one  of  the  objects  of  their  consideration, 
and  they  recommended  the  legislature  and  their  repre 
sentatives  in  Congress,  to  take  such  measures  on  the 
subject  as  they  constitutionally  could.  They  wisely  ex 
pressed  themselves  thus,  in  regard  to  the  excitement  then 
abroad — 

"  To  our  fellow-countrymen  we  would  recommend, 
moderation  in  feeling,  temperance  in  language,  forbear 
ance  in  all  things."2 

At  length,  in  November,  1828,  in  a  speech  made  by 
Major  James  Hamilton,  who  had  been  a  member  of  the 
preceding  Congress,  at  Walterborough,  South  Carolina, 
the  plan  was  developed  which  four  years  subsequently  it 
was  attempted  to  carry  out.3 

In  that  speech  he  represented  that  the  country  had 
reached  a  crisis,  in  consequence  of  the  "  abuses  of  inter 
nal  legislation"  among  the  members  of  "  its  separate  and 
confederate  sovereignties."  He  depicted  South  Carolina 
as  in  ruins,  and  the  wilderness  returning  to  cover  with 


1  At  Laurens  C.  H.,  S.  C.,  at  Edgefield,  in  Baldwin  and  Montgomery 
counties,  Georgia,  and  in  other  places,  it  was  resolved  not  to  consume  or 
buy,  the  hogs,  cattle,  mules,  bacon,  &c.,  the  products  of  the  western 
tariff  states.  Kentucky  and  Ohio,  it  will  be  observed,  had  voted  unani- 
mousl^for  the  tariff  of  1828. 

1  35  Niles,  63.  '  Idem,  203-208. 


HE  RECOMMENDS  NULLIFICATION.  227 

weeds  and  forests  the  homes  of  civilization,  and  this  alto 
gether  as  a  consequence  of  the  tariff. 

The  picture  was  drawn  with  great  eloquence  and  force, 
and  if  it  were  a  reality,  there  was  certainly  much  to 
lament.  "  Look  abroad,"  says  Major  Hamilton,  "through 
this  once  happy,  this  once  prosperous  land ;  see  the  wil 
derness  regaining  her  empire.  Look  at  these  waste  and 
desolate  spots  which  once  teemed  with  fertility  and  life, 
abandoned  to  the  fern,  which  rears  its  head  amidst  soli 
tudes  which  were  once  blessed  by  the  smiling  industry  of 
man.  Where  are  now  those  beautiful  homesteads  and 
venerable  chateaux  which  once  adorned  the  land  of  orar 
fathers,  the  abodes  of  hospitality  and  wealth,  from  which 
the  most  generous  benefactions  were  dispensed  to  con 
tented  labor,  by  which  slavery  itself  lost  half  the  burden 
of  its  chains  in  the  kindness  with  which  they  were  im 
posed  ?  Gone,  fallen  into  irreversible  decay.  On  the 
very  hearth-stone  where  hospitality  kindled  the  most  genial 
fires  that  ever  blazed  on  her  altars,  the  fox  may  lie  down 
in  security  and  peace;  and  from  the  casement  of  the  very 
window  from  which  notes  of  virtuous  revelry  were  once 
heard,  the  owl  sends  forth  to  the  listening  solitude  of  the 
surrounding  waste,  her  melancholy  descant,  to  mark  the 
spot  where  desolation  has  come." 

Such  were  the  strains  by  which  South  Carolina  was 
called  to  believe  herself  deeply  injured,  her  feelings  out 
raged,  and  her  rights  violated.  "  But  how,"  says  the  orator, 
"are  we  to  interpose  for  the  purpose  of  arresting  the  pro 
gress  of  the  evil  ?"  To  this  he  replies — "  A  nullification, 
then,  of  the  unauthorized  act  is  the  rightful  remedy."1 

1  35  Niles's  Register,  208. 
15* 


228     RESOLUTIONS  OF  THE  S.  C.  LEGISLATURE. 

This  doctrine  was  professedly  founded  on  the  Virginia 
and  Kentucky  resolutions  of  1798,  and  it  was  defended  as 
a  peaceful  measure.  Looking,  however,  to  bloodshed  as 
a  possible  consequence,  it  was  argued  that  this  could  only 
take  place  as  the  act  of  the  majority.  Such  an  act,  says 
Major  Hamilton,  would  dissolve  the  Union ;  but,  says  he, 
"  if  the  Union  be  dissolved,  theirs  will  be  the  odium  of 
such  a  lamentable  disruption." 

This  was  the  sort  of  language  addressed  to  the  people 
of  South  Carolina,  and  under  its  influence  the  excitement 
increased. 

When  the  legislature  of  South  Carolina  met  in  Decem 
ber,  the  feeling  which  was  so  strongly  developed  among 
the  people  was  exhibited  with  equal  strength  in  that  body. 
Messrs.  Preston,  Waddy  Thompson,  and  Holmes,  offered 
resolutions  in  the  House  of  Representatives1  of  which  the 
substance  was,  that  the  tariff  acts  were  palpable  and  dan 
gerous  infractions  of  the  Constitution,  and  that  the  state 
had  the  right  to  interpose  and  arrest  them. 

Other  resolutions  were  offered  of  various  shades  of 
opinion,  but  the  one  finally  adopted  was,  that  it  is  expe 
dient  again  to  remonstrate,  to  enter  a  protest,  and  to  make 
a  public  exposition  of  wrongs.2 

In  the  Senate  a  more  violent  course  was  adopted.  It 
was  there 

"Resolved,  That  the  tariff  acts  of  Congress  for  the  pro 
tection  of  domestic  manufactures,  are  unconstitutional, 
and  should  be  resisted,  and  the  other  states  be  invited  to 
co-operate  with  us  in  the  measures  of  resistance."3 

In  the  mean  while,  James  Madison  had  written  two 

1  35  Niles's  Register,  304.  a  Idem,  306.  '  Idem,  30& 


EFFECT  OF  MR.  MADISON's  LETTERS.  229 

letters,  published  by  a  friend,  declaring  the  constitu 
tionality  of  the  tariff.1  These  letters  appear  to  have  had 
a  sedative  effect  on  the  anti-tariff  excitement ;  for  the 
public  mind  seems  immediately  afterwards  to  have  been 
diverted  to  other  objects,  and  nullification  was  not  attempt 
ed  till  four  years  had  passed  away. 

In  May,  1832,  however,  Congress  again  revised  the 
tariff,  not  for  the  purpose  of  increasing  the  duties — but  for 
that  of  remodifying  them,  and  rendering  some  of  them 
more  agreeable  to  the  Southern  states.  That  it  had  done 
so,  Colonel  DRAYTON  declared  in  an  address  to  the  people 
of  South  Carolina,  exhorting  them  to  sustain  the  Union.2 
It  proved  unsatisfactory,  however,  to  those  who  had  so 
vehemently  opposed  it  in  1828  ;  and  the  excitement  was 
again  renewed.  The  remedy  which  had  been  suggested  by 
the  St.  Helena  resolutions,  and  put  forth  in  Major  Hamil 
ton's  speech,  was  now  openly  declared  to  be  the  right  of 
the  state,  and  that  which  the  people  should  adopt,  if  they 
had  spirit,  or  liberty.  Their  imaginations  were  infla 
med  with  the  idea,  that  they  were  deliberately  imposed 
upon  by  the  majority  of  the  Union,  and  that  honor  required 
that  they  should  assert  their  dignity  and  their  rights,  by  re 
sistance.  Inflammatory  toasts  were  drunk  at  public  meet 
ings,  and  the  ablest  and  most  distinguished  public  men 
supported  the  measures,  which  it  was  assumed  were  right, 
and  by  which  the  state  was  to  resist  the  laws  of  the  Union. 

Mr.  JOHN  C.  CALHOUN,  in  a  letter  dated  "  Fort  Hill, 
30th  of  July,  1832,"  declared  that  nullification  was  a 
peaceful  remedy,  and  necessary  to  the  preservation  of 
other  powers.3 


1  45  Niles's  Register,  2.  a  Idem.  3  43  Idem,  56. 


230  LETTER  OF  MR.  CALHOUN. 

"  The  ungrounded  fear,"  said  he,  "  that  the  right  of  a 
state  to  interpose  in  order  to  protect  her  reserved  powers 
against  the  encroachments  of  the  general  government, 
would  lead  to  disunion,  is  rapidly  vanishing,  and  as  it  dis 
appears,  it  will  be  seen  that  so  far  from  endangering,  the 
right  is  essential  to  the  preservation  of  our  system,  as 
essential  as  the  right  of  suffrage  itself. 

"  Thus  thinking,  I  have  entire  confidence  that  the  time 
will  come,  when  our  doctrine,  which  has  been  so  freely 
denounced  as  traitorous  and  rebellious,  will  be  hailed  as 
being  the  great  conservative  principle  of  our  admirable 
system  of  government,  and  when  those  who  have  so 
firmly  maintained  it  under  so  many  trials,  will  be  ranked 
among  the  great  benefactors  of  the  country." 

The  doctrine  of  "  state  interposition"  against  the  gen 
eral  government,  is  here  defended  as  an  essential  right, 
and  the  future  approbation  of  the  people  confidently  ex 
pected. 

To  understand  the  exact  state  of  things  in  South  Caro 
lina,  at  that  time,  and  the  conflict  likely  to  ensue  between 
the  majority  in  the  state  supporting  nullification  by  the 
state  power,  and  the  general  government  executing  the 
laws,  with  a  minority  in  South  Carolina  supporting  it,  we 
must  review  two  or  three  other  important  movements. 

The  doctrines  of  Mr.  McDuffie,  Major  Hamilton,  Mr. 
Calhoun,  and  other  leaders  of  the  nullification  party,  were 
as  strongly  opposed  by  other  distinguished  men  in  South 
Carolina. 

JUDGE  SMITH,  formerly  United  States  Senator,  in  an 
address  to  the  people  of  Spartanburgh  district,  thus  writes 
— "  To  say  you  can  resist  the  general  government,  and 
remain  in  the  Union,  and  be  at  peace,  is  a  perfect  delu- 


TWO  PARTIES  IN  THE  STATE.  231 

sion,  calculated  only  to  hoodwink  an  honest  community, 
until  they  shall  have  advanced  too  far  to  retrace  their 
steps  ;  which  they  must  do,  and  do  with  disgrace  and 
humiliation,  or  enter  upon  a  bloody  conflict  with  the 
general  government.  For  the  general  government  cannot 
bow  its  sovereignty  to  the  mandates  of  South  Carolina, 
while  the  Union  is  worth  preserving.  And  be  assured,  it 
will  not  bow  to  the  mandate  of  any  state,  while  the  sove 
reign  people  believe  that  a  confederated  government  is 
calculated  to  promote  their  peace,  their  honor,  and  their 
safety."1 

It  is  seen  that  the  political  ideas  inculcated  in  the  ex 
tracts  last  quoted,  are  directly  opposed  to  those  stated  in 
the  former  extract  from  the  letter  of  Mr.  Calhoun.  The 
latter  assumes  the  supremacy  of  the  UNION,  the  former 
that  of  the  STATE,  under  the  name  of  state  interposition. 
Hence,  in  the  controversy  which  ensued,  the  name  of  the 
party  of  the  majority  was  known  as  the  nullification  party , 
and  that  of  the  minority  as  the  Union  party.  The  con 
troversy  between  these  parties  in  the  state  was  even  more 
excited  than  that  between  the  state  and  the  general  gov 
ernment.  This  was  the  state  of  things  when,  in  October, 
1832,  the  legislature  of  South  Carolina  passed  an  act 
providing  for  the  "  calling  of  a  convention  of  the  people" 
of  that  state.2  The  object  of  this  convention  in  the  terms 
of  the  act,  was  "to  take  into  consideration  the  several  acts 
of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  imposing  duties  on 
foreign  imports  for  the  protection  of  domestic  manufac 
tures,  or  for  other  unauthorized  objects  ;  to  determine  on 
the  character  thereof,  and  to  devise  the  means  of  redress." 

1  43  Niles's  Register,  42.  2  Idem,  152. 


232  ORDINANCE  OF  THE  CONVENTION. 

The  convention  elected  according  to  this  statute,  as 
sembled  at  Columbia,  the  seat  of  government,  on  the  19th 
of  November,  1832.1  The  convention  being  assembled, 
enacted  an  "  ordinance,"  whose  title  was  "  to  provide  for 
arresting  the  operation  of  certain  acts  of  the  Congress  of 
the  United  States,  purporting  to  be  taxes  laying  duties 
and  imposts  on  the  importation  of  foreign  commodities." 

On  the  final  passage  of  the  ordinance  the  word  "  nulli 
fy"  was  substituted  for  "  arresting."2 

This  ordinance  assumed  to  nullify  the  laws  of  the 
United  Stales,  to  prevent  the  operation  of  the  courts,  and 
finally,  to  place  all  officers  under  oath  to  obey  only  the 
ordinance,  and  the  laws  made  to  give  it  effect. 

The  2d  section  pronounced  the  tariff  acts  of  1 828  and 
1832  "  null,  void,  and  no  law,  nor  binding  upon  the  state, 
its  officers,  or  citizens." 

The  3d  section  declared  it  unlawful  "  for  any  of  the 
constituted  authorities,  whether  of  the  state  or  the  United 
States,  to  enforce  payment  of  the  duties  imposed  by  said 
acts,  within  the  limits  of  the  state." 

The  4th  section  ordered  that  no  case  of  law  or  equity 
decided  in  that  state,  wherein  was  drawn  in  question  the 
validity  of  that  ordinance,  or  of  any  act  of  the  legislature 
passed  to  give  it  effect,  should  be  appealed  to  the  supreme 
court  of  the  United  States,  or  regarded  if  appealed. 

Section  5th  required  that  every  one  who  held  an  office 
of  honor,  trust,  or  profit,  civil  or  military,  should  take  an 
oath  to  obey  only  this  ordinance,  and  the  laws  of  the 
legislature  passed  in  consequence  of  it. 

The  Gth  section  declared,  that  if  the  general  govern 

1  43  Niles's  Register,  219.  a  Idem,  277. 


MESSAGE  OF  GOVERNOR  GAYLE.          233 

ment  should  employ  force  to  carry  into  effect  its  laws,  or 
endeavor  to  coerce  the  state  by  shutting  up  its  ports,  that 
South  Carolina  would  consider  the  Union  dissolved,  and 
would  "  proceed  to  organize  a  separate  government." 

No  one  could  for  a  moment  doubt  the  meaning  or  bear 
ing  of  this  ordinance.  It  was  an  open,  frank,  and  direct 
resistance  of  the  laws  of  the  Union,  and  notwithstanding 
the  confident  expectations  of  fellowship  and  assistance 
from  other  anti-tariff  states,  it  was  soon  apparent  that 
they  would  oppose  the  violent  course  of  opposition  to  the 
law  marked  out  by  the  South  Carolina  convention.  Nor 
did  the  measure  tend  towards  peace  even  in  South 
Carolina.  A  Union  convention  was  soon  after  held  to 
counteract  this  movement.1  The  neighboring  states  were 
very  explicit  in  their  opposition.  Governor  Gayle,  in  his 
message  to  the  Alabama  legislature,  condemned  nullifica 
tion  in  the  strongest  terms.  "  If,"  said  he,  "it  [nullifica 
tion]  shall  be  recognised  as  the  true  constitutional  doc 
trine,  that  a  state  can  remain  a  member  of  the  Union,  and 
at  the  same  time  place  her  citizens  beyond  the  reach  of 
its  laws,  ours  will  not  be  the  shadow  of  a  government, 
and  for'  all  practical  purposes  it  will  be  dissolved.  But 
the  strife  and  dissension  which  have  been  produced  by 
the  persevering  efforts  of  the  advocates  of  this  doctrine, 
to  gain  for  it  the  favorable  opinion  of  the  people,  have 
been  carried  to  such  excesses,  that  it  is  already  growing 
into  an  evil  not  less  to  be  deprecated  than  the  tariff  itself. 
If  the  firstfruits  of  this  doctrine  of  peace  are  deep  and 
bitter  feelings  of  personal  hostility,  furious  family  discords, 
and  a  destruction,  in  fact,  of  the  peace  and  harmony  of 

!  43  Niles's  Register,  279. 


234  PROCLAMATION  OF  GENERAL  JACKSON. 

society,  what  are  we  to  expect  when  it  puts  forth  in  all 
its  vigor  ?'" 

The  legislature  of  Tennessee  passed  resolutions  unani 
mously  (one  member  declining  to  vote)  denouncing  nulli 
fication2  in  the  strongest  terms. 

The  legislature  of  Georgia,  also  a  strong  anti-tariff 
state,  passed  anti-nullification  resolutions,  by  strong  ma 
jorities.3 

By  the  action  of  these  adjoining  states,  South  Carolina 
was  left  alone  in  the  plan  which  she  had  proposed,  of 
arresting  the  operation  of  the  United  States  laws  by  state 
interposition.  Nevertheless,  the  ordinance  passed  by  the 
convention  was  decisive  of  her  course.  The  legislature 
at  its  next  session,  passed  acts  to  carry  into  effect  the 
ordinance,  and  a  large  body  of  volunteers  was  called  into 
the  state  service.4 

This  was  the  state  of  things  in  South  Carolina,  and  in 
the  Union,  when,  on  the  10th  of  December,  1832,  General 
Jackson  issued  his  PROCLAMATION,  exhorting  all  persons 
to  obey  the  laws,  denouncing  the  ordinance  of  South  Car 
olina,  and  giving  a  very  clear  exposition  of  the  principles 
and  powers  of  the  general  government.5  This  proclama 
tion  was  written  with  great  ability;  and  coming  from  the 
most  popular  man  in  the  United  States,  exercising  the 
functions  of  chief  magistrate,  and  taking  part  with  that 
LOVE  OF  UNION  which,  in  all  times  and  all  circumstances, 

1  43  Niles's  Register,  220.     Resolutions  of  Alabama,  387. 

3  Idem,  220. 

8  43  Niles,  279,  286.  These  resolutions  were  also  passed  in  a  number 
of  other  states.  In  Pennsylvania,  43  Niles,  333  ;  New  York,  386  ;  North 
Carolina,  386  ;  Indiana,  400  ;  Delaware,  422. 

4  43  Niles's  Register,  288,  300,  332.  "  Idem,  260. 


ANSWERED  BY  THE  S.  C.  LEGISLATURE.  235 

has  been  an  element  in  American  character,  the  procla 
mation  was  universally  read,  and  almost  universally  re 
ceived  with  approbation  and  applause.  The  legislature 
of  South  Carolina  answered  in  an  appeal  to  the  people  of 
that  state.1 

Two  citations  from  the  proclamation  of  General  Jack 
son  will  show  the  principles  and  object  of  that  instru 
ment. 

"  I  consider,  then,"  says  the  President,  "  the  power  to 
annul  a  law  of  the  United  States,  assumed  by  one  state, 
incompatible  with  the  existence  of  the  Union,  contradicted 
expressly  by  the  letter  of  the  Constitution,  unauthorized 
by  its  spirit,  inconsistent  with  every  principle  on  which  it 
was  founded,  and  destructive  of  the  great  object  for  which 
it  was  formed.2 

"  This,  then,  is  the  position  in  which  we  stand.  A 
small  majority  of  the  citizens  of  one  state  in  the  Union 
have  elected  delegates  to  a  state  convention.  That  con 
vention  has  ordained  that  all  the  revenue  laws  of  the 
United  States  must  be  repealed,  or  that  they  are  no 
longer  a  member  of  the  Union.  The  governor  of  that 
state  has  recommended  to  the  legislature  the  raising  of  an 
army  to  carry  the  secession  into  effect,  and  that  he  may 
be  empowered  to  give  clearance  to  vessels  in  the  name 
of  the  state.  No  act  of  violent  opposition  to  the  laws  has 
yet  been  committed,  but  such  a  state  of  things  is  hourly 
apprehended,  and  it  is  the  intent  of  this  instrument  to 
PROCLAIM  not  only  that  the  duty  imposed  on  me  by  the 
constitution  '  to  take  care  that  the  laws  be  faithfully  exe 
cuted,'  shall  be  performed  to  the  extent  of  the  powers 

1  43  Niles's  Register,  300.  '  Idem,  261. 


S36  HOSTILE  ARRAY  OP  SOUTH  CAROLINA. 

already  vested  in  me  by  law,  or  of  such  other  as  the 
wisdom  of  Congress  shall  devise  and  intrust  to  me  for 
that  purpose ;  but  to  warn  the  citizens  of  South  Carolina 
who  have  been  deluded  into  an  opposition  to  the  laws,  of 
the  danger  they  will  incur  by  obedience  to  the  illegal  and 
disorganizing  ordinance  of  the  convention ;  to  exhort  those 
who  have  refused  to  support  it,  to  persevere  in  their  de 
termination  to  uphold  the  constitution  and  laws  of  their 
country,  and  to  point  out  to  all  the  perilous  situation  into 
which  the  good  people  of  that  state  have  been  led,  and 
that  the  course  they  are  urged  to  pursue  is  one  of  ruin 
and  disgrace  to  the  very  state  whose  rights  they  affect  to 
support." 

The  ordinance  of  South  Carolina  passed  November 
24th,  1832,1  the  President's  proclamation  was  signed  on 
the  10th  of  December,  and  on  the  21st  of  December,  the 
South  Carolina  legislature  adjourned,  having  passed  the 
laws  necessary  to  give  effect  to  the  ordinance.2  These 
were  the  several  acts  on  which  depended  the  possibility 
and  even  probability  of  an  actual  conflict  between  the 
authorities  of  South  Carolina  and  the  general  government. 
The  promulgation  and  strong  language  of  the  President's 
proclamation  was  in  itself  the  most  authentic  proof  of  the 
intensity  of  feeling,  and  the  fear  of  danger,  which  existed 
among  the  people  of  the  United  States  in  consequence  of 
the  South  Carolina  ordinance,  and  the  military  array  by 
which  it  was  proposed  to  support  it.3 

1  43  Niles's  Register,  277.  "  Idem,  301. 

8  The  governor  had  called  out  twelve  thousand  volunteers.  The  whole 
state  was  a  military  camp,  and  the  utmost  zeal  was  exhibited,  by  those 
who  contended  for  nullification,  to  defend  their  views  in  any  way  what 
ever.  See  43  Niles's  Register,  288,  318,  and  various  other  passages. 


EXTRACT  FROM  GENERAL  MACOMB's  ORDER.    237 

In  the  mean  while,  the  President  and  cabinet  were 
making  all  arrangements  preparatory  to  a  conflict,  with  a 
determination  to  stand  on  the  defensive  ;  but  with  a  firm 
resolve  also,  to  collect  the  revenue  and  enforce  the  laws 
of  the  United  States. 

It  is  at  this  point  in  history,  that  General  Scott  was 
called,  in  the  exercise  of  his  military  functions,  to  per 
form  a  part,  not  very  conspicuous  to  the  public  eye,  but 
most  important  in  its  consequences  to  the  Union  and  the 
future  welfare  of  the  republic.  What  part  that  was  will 
be  shown  by  the  unimpeachable  testimony  of  authentic 
facts. 

Before  the  ordinance  was  passed,  and  about  the  period 
of  the  session  of  the  South  Carolina  legislature  which 
provided  for  the  meeting  of  the  convention,  President 
Jackson,  from  facts  which  came  to  his  knowledge,  thought 
it  not  improbable  that  an  attempt  would  be  made  to  seize 
or  in  some  way  get  possession  of  the  forts  in  the  harbor  of 
Charleston. 

To  prevent  this,  General  Macomb  issued  an  order,1 
dated  "Washington,  October  29th,  1832,"  directed  to 
Major  Heileman,  commanding  the  United  States  troops 
at  Charleston.  A  paragraph  from  this  order  will  ex 
plain  a  portion  of  this  history. 

The  order  says — "  It  is  deemed  necessary  that  the  offi 
cers  in  the  harbor  of  Charleston  should  be  advised  of  the 
possibility  of  attempts  being  made  to  surprise,  seize,  and 
occupy  the  forts  committed  to  them.  You  are  therefore 
especially  charged  to  use  your  utmost  vigilance  in  counter 
acting  such  attempts.  You  will  call  personally  on  the 

2  "  Orders"  transmitted  to  the  Senate  by  the  President,  43  Niles,  436. 


238  ANXIETY  OF  THE  GOVERNMENT. 

commanders  of  Caslle  Pinckney  and  Fort  Moultrie,  and 
instruct  them  to  be  vigilant  to  prevent  surprise  in  the 
night,  or  by  day,  on  the  part  of  any  set  of  people  what 
ever,  who  may  approach  the  forts  with  a  view  to  seize 
and  occupy  them.  You  will  warn  the  said  officers  that 
such  an  event  is  apprehended,  and  that  they  will  be  held 
responsible  for  the  defence,  to  the  last  extremity,  of  the 
forts  and  garrisons  under  their  respective  commands, 
against  any  assault,  and  also  against  intrigue  and  surprise. 
The  attempt  to  surprise  the  forts  and  garrisons,  it  is  ex 
pected,  will  be  made  by  the  militia,  and  it  must  be 
guarded  against  by  constant  vigilance,  and  repulsed  at 
every  hazard.  These  instructions  you  will  be  careful  not 
to  show  to  any  persons,  other  than  the  commanding  offi 
cers  of  Castle  ^inckney  and  Fort  Moultrie." 

This  was  a  confidential  order,  and  its  terms  express  the 
apprehension  and  anxiety  then  felt  by  the  government. 

On  the  7th  of  November  an  order  from  the  war  depart 
ment  directed  two  companies  of  artillery  to  proceed  forth 
with  to  Fort  Moultrie,  Charleston  harbor.1 

On  the  12th  of  November,  a  further  order2  from  Gen 
eral  Macomb  to  Major  Heileman  directed,  that  the 
"  citadel"  in  Charleston,  and  belonging  to  the  State  of 
South  Carolina,  should  be  delivered  up,  with  the  state  arms, 
if  required ;  that  every  thing  should  be  done  with  cour 
tesy,  but,  if  attacked,  the  troops  should  defend  themselves. 

At  this  crisis  the  services  of  General  Scott,  in  a  mission 
to  South  Carolina  of  extraordinary  delicacy,  were  called 
into  requisition  '  by  President  Jackson.  On  the  18th  of 
November,  1832,  a  confidential  ordei*  was  issued  from 

1  43  Niles,  437.          9  Idem.          »  Idem.  Published  February,  1833. 


ORDER  TO  GENERAL  SCOTT.  •  239 

the  war  department  to  General  Scott.  The  order,  after 
expressing  the  President's  solicitude  as  to  affairs  in  South 
Carolina,  a  hope  from  the  intelligence  of  the  people,  and 
a  fear  lest  some  rash  attempt  should  be  made  against  the 
forts  of  the  United  States  in  the  harbor  of  Charleston, 
proceeds  to  say — 

"  The  possibility  of  such  a  measure  furnishes  sufficient 
reason  for  guarding  against  it,  and  the  President  is  there 
fore  anxious  that  the  situation  and  means  of  defence  of 
these  fortifications,  should  be  inspected  by  an  officer  of 
experience,  who  could  also  estimate  and  provide  for  any 
dangers  to  which  they  may  be  exposed.  He  has  full 
confidence  in  your  judgment  and  discretion,  and  it  is  his 
wish  that  you  repair  immediately  to  Charleston,  and 
examine  every  thing  connected  with  the  fortifications. 
You  are  at  liberty  to  take  such  measures,  either  by 
strengthening  these  defences,  or  by  reinforcing  these  gar 
risons  with  troops  drawn  from  any  other  posts,  as  you 
may  think  prudence  and  a  just  precaution  require. 

"Your  duty  will  be  one  of  great  importance,  and  of  great 
delicacy.  You  will  consult  fully  and  freely  with  the  col 
lector  of  the  port  of  Charleston,  and  with  the  district 
attorney  of  South  Carolina,  and  you  will  take  no  step, 
except  what  relates  to  the  immediate  defence  and  security 
of  the  posts,  without  their  order  and  concurrence.  The 
execution  of  the  laws  will  be  enforced  through  the  civil 
authority,  and  by  the  mode  pointed  out  by  the  acts  of 
Congress.  Should,  unfortunately,  a  crisis  arise,  when 
the  ordinary  power  in  the  hands  of  the  civil  officers  shall 
not  be  sufficient  for  this  purpose,  the  President  shall  de 
termine  the  course  to  be  taken  and  the  measures  adopted. 
Till,  therefore,  you  are  otherwise  instructed,  you  will  act 

16 


240  GENERAL  SCOTT  REACHES  CHARLESTON. 

in  obedience  to  the  legal  requisitions  of  the  proper  civil 
officers  of  the  United  States. 

"  I  will  thank  you  to  communicate  to  me,  freely  and 
confidentially,  upon  every  topic  which  you  may  deem  it 
important  for  the  government  to  receive  information. 
"  Very  respectfully, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

LEWIS  CASS." 
"  Major-General  Winfield  Scott." 

In  addition  to  this  order,  there  was  a  personal  interview 
between  the  President,  some  of  the  cabinet,  and 
General  Scott,  in  which  the  principles  and  views  held  by 
General  Jackson  and  his  administration  were  fully  ex 
pressed.1 

General  Scott  arrived  in  Charleston  on  the  28th  of 
November,  just  two  days  after  the  passage  of  the  ordi 
nance.  All  was  excitement.  He  found  the  people  of 
Charleston  divided  into  two  parties,  nearly  equal  in  point 
of  numbers,  and  each  exasperated  towards  the  other. 

It  happened  that  this  was  the  usual  period  for  General 
Scott's  annual  tour  of  inspection  along  the  Atlantic  coast, 
in  which  he  included  also  the  arsenals  of  the  interior. 
He  therefore  suffered  it  to  be  believed,  that  he  was  now 
on  this  ordinary  duty.  Fortunately,  too,  he  happened  to 
be  lamed,  by  accident,  on  the  road,  which  gave  him  a 
sufficient  pretext  for  lingering  awhile  at  Charleston,  Au 
gusta,  and  Savannah,  without  awakening  any  jealousy  or 
suspicion  of  the  great  purpose  of  his  visit. 

It  was  as  important  that  he  should  not,  by  his  presence 

1  See  Secretary  Cass'-s  Letter,  dated  December  3d,  1832,  in  43  Niles. 


ARRIVAL  OP  TROOPS  AND  ARMED  VESSELS.  241 

or  his  acts,  increase  the  excitement  of  the  public  mind, 
already  too  much  inflamed,  thus  precipitating  rash  meas 
ures  on  the  part  of  South  Carolina,  as  it  was  that,  in  the 
last  resort,  he  should  maintain  the  supremacy  of  the  laws 
held  to  be  constitutional  by  every  department  of  the 
federal  government,  and  alike  binding  on  all  the  states. 
This  duty  he  was  resolved  to  execute  at  every  hazard  to 
himself,  but  with  all  possible  courtesy  and  kindness  com 
patible  with  that  paramount  object.  In  this,  his  heart's 
warm  feeling  was,  that  the  disaffected  might  be  soothed, 
and  South  Carolina  held  in  affectionate  harmony  with  her 
sister  states. 

The  1  st  of  February  had  been  fixed  by  the  ordinance 
as  the  crisis,  provided  Congress  did  not  previously  modify 
the  tariff.  Scott  passed  rapidly  along  to  Augusta,  Savan 
nah,  and  Charleston,  quietly  laying  his  plans  and  dis 
patching  orders,  so  as  to  be  ready  for  any  event.  The 
best  understanding  was  established  between  the  United 
States  district  attorney,  the  marshal,  and  himself.  In 
conjunction  with  the  collector  of  the  port,  it  was  arranged 
to  establish  the  custom-house,  when  necessary,  under  the 
guns  of  Fort  Moultrie.  This  is  six  miles  below  the 
city,  and  commands  the  entrance  to  the  harbor.  He 
called  for  steamboats,  armed  vessels,  and  troops,  all  of 
which  arrived  from  different  points  without  the  knowledge 
of  each  other's  approach.1  He  caused  Fort  Moultrie  and 

1  One  company  of  the  1st  artillery,  two  companies  of  the  3d  artillery, 
and  three  companies  of  the  4th  artillery,  were  ordered  to  Charleston 
harbor,  in  November  and  December,  in  addition  to  those  under  the  com 
mand  of  Major  Heileman.  The  Natchez,  the  schooner  Experiment,  and 
the  revenue  cutters,  were  ordered  there,  under  the  command  of  Commo 
dore  Elliott. 


242          SCOTT  STRENGTHENS  THE  FORTIFICATIONS. 

Castle  Pinckney,  in  Charleston  harbor,  and  Augusta 
arsenal,  which  was  full  of  supplies,  and  on  the  borders  of 
South  Carolina,  to  be  strengthened  and  well  garrisoned. 
Then,  having  seen  every  thing  ready,,  or  in  rapid  prepara 
tion  for  the  worst,  he  sailed  from  Charleston  for  New 
York,  without  having  awakened  a  suspicion  of  his  being 
connected  with  impending  events. 

Towards  the  end  of  January1  he  returned  by  sea  to 
Fort  Moultrie,  and  was  at  the  post  of  danger  many  days 
before  it  was  known  in  the  city.  His  presence,  with  that 
of  the  vessels  of  war,  the  revenue  cutters,  and  additional 
troops,  which  had  now  arrived,  left  no  room  to  doubt  that 
the  government  was  fully  determined  that  the  revenue 
duties  imposed  by  law  should  be  collected  in  Charleston, 
as  in  all  other  ports  of  the  Union. 

During  his  absence,  the  leading  opposers  of  the  tariff 
had  called  a  meeting,  and  informally  agreed,  that  notwith 
standing  the  period  for  the  open  resistance  of  the  law  had 
been  fixed  by  the  convention  for  the  1  st  of  February,  no 
attempt  to  execute  the  ordinance  of  nullification  should 
be  made  before  the  adjournment  of  Congress,  on  the  3d  of 
March,  and  the  second  meeting  of  the  convention,  which 
was  to  be  held  a  few  days  later.2  Happily  for  all,  the  res 
olution  was  strictly  observed. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  excitement  had  greatly  increased. 
The  state  legislature  had  met  in  December,  and  passed 


1  In  a  letter  written  in  December,  the  Secretary  at  War  expresses  the 
approbation  of  the  government  for  what  Scott  had  done  at  his  first  visit. 

2  See  the  Charleston   Resolutions,  43  Niles,  381.     It  was  one  of  the 
political  curiosities  of  the  times,  that  a  solemn  ordinance  of  the  state  of 
South  Carolina  should  be  set  aside  at  the  request  of  a  meeting  in  one 
place. 


THE  ORDINANCE  REQUIRES  A  TEST  OATH.      243 

laws  for  the  raising  of  troops  and  money,  and  for  the 
purchase  of  arms  and  ammunition.  All  these  were  soon 
obtained.  Volunteers  were  seen  at  drill  through  the  state. 
Charleston  was  full  of  them.  The  palmetto  cockade  and 
the  palmetto  buttons  distinguished  the  nullifiers  from  the 
Unionists}  A  determined  spirit  of  resistance  to  the  rev 
enue  laws,  however  misdirected  or  deplored,  was,  in  fact, 
everywhere  exhibited. 

A  scene  which  took  place  just  at  this  time  in  the 
streets  of  Charleston,  will  illustrate  most  forcibly  the  vio 
lence  of  feeling  then  existing  on  political  subjects,  the 
great  and  instant  danger  of  civil  commotion,  and  the  nar 
rowness  of  that  verge  of  bloodshed  and  disunion,  upon 
which  the  people  of  the  state  and  the  nation  then  stood. 

Determined,  if  possible,  to  carry  out  the  desperate 
plans  in  which  they  had  most  rashly  embarked,  the  nulli 
fiers  had,  as  we  have  narrated,  not  only  called  out  large 
bodies  of  armed  volunteers,  but  had  actually,  by  their 
ordinance,  required  the  citizens  of  South  Carolina  to  take 
a  test  oath  of  exclusive  allegiance  to  the  state.2  This, 


1  It  was  one  of  the  resolutions  of  the  Charleston  meeting,  that  the  vol 
unteers  should  "  wear  a  blue  cockade,  with  the  palmetto  button  in  the 
centre."  It  is  another  political  curiosity,  that  the  "  palmetto  buttons" 
worn  by  the  volunteers  of  South  Carolina  in  resisting  the  laws  of  the 
Union,  should  have  been  made  in  Connecticut.  This  fact  should  suggest 
a  hint  'whether  our  American  manufactures  were  not  both  useful  and 
necessary  to  all.  The  palmetto  buttons  were  in  fact  made  in  Con 
necticut,  and  also  most  beautifully  made.  The  state  coat  of  arms  could 
hardly  appear  to  more  advantage. 

5  The  Court  of  Appeals  in  South  Carolina,  with  great  personal  disin 
terestedness  and  moral  independence,  declared  the  ordinance  of  the  Con 
vention  of  Soutli  Carolina,  unconstitutional  on  this  point.  It  was  in  the  case 
of  the  State  vs.  Hunt,  2  Hill's  South  Carolina  Reports,  1.  They  de- 

16* 


244  A  MEETINO  OF  THE  UNIONISTS. 

perhaps  more  than  any  one  measure,  exasperated  the 
Union  party.  They  deemed  it  unconstitutional,  and  de 
structive  of  their  personal  rights,  not  less  than  of  the 
general  allegiance  which  was  due  to  the  laws  of  the 
Union.  They  therefore,  like  the  milliners,  formed  asso 
ciations,1  took  measures  for  defence,  and,  in  a  word,  two 
parties  stood  fronting  one  another  like  hostile  bodies  of 
opposing  nations. 

It  was  just  at  this  time  that  the  respective  parties 
held  nightly  meetings  in  the  city  of  Charleston.  In 
those  popular  meetings,  and  with  this  high  political 
animosity,  there  was  danger,  great  danger  of  a  col 
lision  which  would  result  in  bloodshed  and  disaster. 
Notwithstanding  all  this,  there  was  great  personal  cour 
tesy,  so  becoming  to  gentlemen  and  men  of  honor,  be 
tween  the  leaders  and  chief  actors  of  the  opposing  parties. 
On  one  evening,  when  there  was  a  meeting  of  both  parties, 
Mr.  PETTiGRU2  received  a  note  from  General  HAYNE,  re 
questing  that  the  Unionists  would  return  home  through 
Meeting-street,  as  by  going  the  usual  route  there  would 
be  danger  of  collision.  The  Union  party  were  then  in 
assembly  and  much  excited.  It  was  quite  natural  that 
they  should  answer  as  they  did,  that  "  they  were  armed, 
and  would  go  which  way  they  chose."  After  this  mes 
sage,  Mr.  Poinsett  addressed  the  meeting,  advising  them 

cided  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  South  Carolina  was  unconstitutional  and 
void,  because  inconsistent  with  the  allegiance  of  the  citizen  to  the  federal 
government. 

I  This  was  particularly  the  case  with  the  District  of  Greenville.     They 
here,  literally,  nailed  the  colors  to  the  mast,  and  declared  that  they  who 
would  enforce  the  ordinance,  must  do  it  by  the  bayonet 

II  Mr.  Pettigru  was  of  the  Union  party. 


A  SCENE  IN  THE  STREETS.  245 

to  wear  si  white  badge  on  the  left  arm,  to  make  no  attack, 
but,  if  attacked,  defend  themselves  at  the  hazard  of  their 
lives.  They  sent  out,  and  bought  a  piece  of  white  mus 
lin,  which  they  tore  into  pieces  to  make  badges  of.  This 
done,  they  marched  on  the  same  streets  as  they  were  ac 
customed  to.  At  length,  they  met  the  milliners  marching 
on  the  same  street  with  themselves,  but  in  an  opposite 
direction.  Just  at  this  moment,  whether  purposely  or 
accidentally,  some  of  the  nullifiers  struck  the  arm  of 
Colonel  Drayton.  It  was  observed,  and  at  once  the 
cry  ran  through  the  Union  ranks — "  Colonel  Drayton 
is  struck — defend  him  !"  Instantly,  with  great  presence 
of  mind,  Colonel  Drayton  remarked — "  Stop  ;  it  was  only 
an  accident !"  The  meeting  passed  on,  and  Charleston 
was  saved  from  the  blood  of  her  citizens  flowing  from  the 
worst  of  all  causes — civil  war  I1 

Had  less  prudence  or  presence  of  mind  existed  among 
some  of  the  leading  gentlemen  at  that  crisis,  the  descend 
ants  of  a  common  revolutionary  stock,  of  a  patriotic 
and  honorable  ancestry,  for  differences  of  opinion  only, 
would  have  been  found  inflicting  mortal  wounds  on  each 
other,  and  as  mortal  wounds  on  the  reputation  of  their 
common  country.  The  blood  indeed  might  have  been 
stanched,  and  the  dead  replaced,  by  living  shoots.  But 
not  so  the  stain,  the  grief,  and  the  memories.  They 
would  long  have  lingered,  like  mourning  witnesses  to  sad 
disasters. 

If  history  be  not  silent  on  the  events  which  then  oc- 

1  This  incident  was  related  to  me  by  an  eye-witness.  It  is  possible  that 
it  may  be  varied  in  some  slight  particular,  but  it  is  in  the  substance  correct 
It  in  reality  occurred  a  month  or  two  earlier  than  we  have  placed  it  in 
the  text ;  but  it  is  equally  valuable  as  an  illustration  of  history. 


246  THE  BIRTHDAY  OF  WASHINGTON. 

curred,  or  on  the  part  taken  by  distinguished  citizens  of 
South  Carolina,  still  less  should  it  omit  a  just  testimony 
to  the  forbearance  and  prudence  of  the  general  and  troops 
of  the  United  States  employed  in  so  delicate  and  danger 
ous  a  service. 

The  officers  and  men  of  the  army  and  navy  bore  them 
selves  with  the  meekness  and  solemnity  proper  to  so 
grave  and  unusual  a  duty.  In  no  instance  did  they  in 
dulge  in  any  display,  except  on  the  22d  of  February. 

Then  rockets  blazing  through  the  skies,  and  guns  sound 
ing  over  the  waters,  told  that,  as  Americans,  they  remem 
bered  and  blessed  the  anniversary  of  that  day,  which  gave 
birth  to  the  FATHER  OF  THE  COUNTRY  AND  THE  UNION  ! 
On  other  occasions,  every  individual  in  that  service, 
though  firm  in  his  allegiance  and  resolved  to  do  his  duty, 
evinced  by  his  deportment  how  painful  that  duty  might 
become.  Scott  gave  both  the  precept  and  the  example. 
Many  officers,  like  himself,  had  frequent  occasion  to  visit 
the  city.  Boats'  crews  were  constantly  passing  and  re- 
passing.  It  was  agreed  among  the  officers,  and  enjoined 
on  the  men,  to  give  way  to  everybody,  and  not  even  to 
resent  an  indignity  should  one  be  offered  ;  but  to  look  on 
their  fellow-citizens  as  their  fellow-countrymen,  whom  all 
were  anxious  to  reclaim  from  an  unhappy  delusion. 
These  rules  of  forbearance  were  absolutely  necessary, 
because  any  soldier  or  sailor,  in  a  drunken  rencontre, 
might  have  brought  on  all  the  evils  of  a  bloody  affray. 

Just  at  the  period  of  the  utmost  anxiety,  when  all  hearts 
were  anxious  lest  the  morrow  should  bring  forth  civil 
war,  a  fire  was  seen  from  Fort  Moultrie,  at  twilight,  rising 
from  Charleston,  rapidly  spreading,  and  threatening  the 
city  with  destruction.  General  Scott  happened  to  be  the 


THE  FIRE  IN  CHARLESTON.  247 

first  who  perceived  the  conflagration,  and  with  great 
promptness  called  for  volunteers  to  hasten  to  the  assist 
ance  of  the  inhabitants.  All  the  officers  and  men  were 
eager  for  the  service,  and,  with  the  exception  of  a  mere 
guard,  all  were  dispatched  in  boats  and  without  arms,  to 
subdue  the  new  and  dreadful  enemy.  Each  detachment 
was  directed  to  report  itself  to  some  city  officer,  and  to 
ask  for  employment.  A  detached  officer  preceded  to 
explain  the  object  of  this  sudden  intrusion.  Captain  (now 
Major)  Ringgold,  of  the  army,  who  commanded  a  de 
tachment  rushed  up  to  the  intendant,  (mayor,)  and  begged 
to  be  put  to  work.  A  citizen  standing  by,  at  once  claimed 
his  assistance  to  save  a  sugar-refinery,  then  in  imminent 
danger.  "Do  you  hear  that?"  said  Captain  Ringgold  to 
his  men  :  "we  will  go  to  the  death  for  the  sugar!"  This 
was  in  allusion  to  the  famous  threat  of  Governor  Hamil 
ton,  in  respect  to  his  importation  of  that  article,  before 
the  boxes  had  arrived,  that  "  they  would  go  to  the  death 
for  the  sugar."  It  may  be  added,  that  the  detachment 
instantly  repaired  to  the  spot,  and  the  refinery  was  saved. 
Nor  was  the  good-humored  quotation  lost  on  the  hundreds 
who  heard  it. 

The  navy  was  not  behind  the  army  in  this  act  of  neigh 
borly  kindness.  Both  were  early  at  the  scene  of  distress. 
And  ah1,  after  distinguishing  themselves  for  zeal  and 
energy,  returned  as  sober  and  as  orderly  as  they  went, 
notwithstanding  refreshments  had  been  profusely  handed 
round  by  the  citizens. 

It  is  not  extravagant  to  say,  that  this  timely  movement, 
so  well  conceived  and  so  handsomely  executed,  overcame 
much  of  the  excitement  and  prejudice  existing  against  the 
United  States,  here  represented  by  their  soldiers  arid 


248  FORT  MOULTRIE  VISITED  BY  THE  CITIZENS. 

sailors.  These  men  threw  themselves,  unexpected  and 
unarmed,  in  the  midst  of  a  population  strongly  excited 
against  them,  and  by  saving  a  city  from  fire,  powerfully 
contributed  to  save  the  Union  from  the  greater  horrors  of 
civil  war.  The  effect  was  immediate  on  the  spot,  and 
was  soon  spread  to  other  parts  of  the  state.  It  was  one 
of  those  acts  better  adapted  to  sooth  the  asperities  of 
feeling,  than  would  have  been  any  degree  of  courage,  or 
success,  in  the  forcible  maintenance  of  the  law. 

Sullivan's  Island,  on  which  Fort  Moultrie  stands,  was 
daily  visited  by  respectable  citizens,  sometimes  in  large 
numbers,  most  of  whom  wore  the  palmetto  cockade.  All, 
without  distinction  of  party,  were  received  with  that 
courtesy  and  kindness  for  which  not  only  General  Scott 
but  our  officers  generally  were  distinguished.  Some 
were  detained  to  dine  with  the  general,  who,  with  the 
other  officers,  took  pains  to  show  the  works,  and  to  give 
the  true  impression,  that  they  were  intended  for  self- 
defence. 

"  We  have  made  ourselves  impregnable,"  he  would 
say,  "  not  for  offence,  but  rather  to  prevent  an  attack ; 
for  otherwise  there  might  be  danger,  not  from  your  au 
thorities,  but  from  masses  moved  by  some  sudden  ebul 
lition  of  feeling,  and  we  should  all  regard  with  infinite 
horror  the  necessity  of  a  conflict  with  any  portion  of  our 
own  people." 

Similar  explanations  and  assurances  were  given,  in  the 
same  spirit,  to  the  higher  political  authorities,  in  his  acci 
dental  meeting  with  them  in  the  city. 

It  will  readily  be  perceived,  that  the  plan  of  General 
Scott's  measures  was  not,  in  any  fair  sense  of  the  term, 
directed  against  the  people  or  the  soil  of  South  Carolina. 


CONGRESS  PASSES  THE  "  COMPROMISE  ACT."          249 

The  works  at  Fort  Moultrie  and  Castle  Pinckney  were 
upon  sites  which  had  long  been  the  property  of  the  United 
States,  and  garrisoned  by  their  troops.  No  new  position 
was  occupied.  The  general  object  was  solely  to  be  in 
readiness  with  a  sufficient  force  to  act  in  concert  with 
the  civil  authorities  of  the  United  States,  that  is,  to  be 
able,  first,  to  defend  his  own  position,  and  next,  to  compel 
all  vessels  from  abroad  to  make  the  same  entries  at  the 
Charleston  custom-house  as  at  every  other  port  of  entry. 
The  point  selected  for  this  operation  (Fort  Moultrie)  being 
distant  and  isolated,  it  seems  that  the  possibility  of  a 
collision  with  citizens,  taking  into  view  all  the  means  of 
prevention,  both  moral  and  physical,  was  almost  entirely 
excluded. 

At  length,  Congress  passed  the  celebrated  "  Compro 
mise  Act."  The  South  Carolina  Convention  rescinded 
the  ordinance  of  nullification.  The  troops  and  ships  re 
turned  to  their  ordinary  stations ;  and  every  officer  and 
man  departed — rejoicing  in  his  heart,  that  not  a  drop  of 
blood  had  been  spilt,  where  so  much  danger  had  occurred 
and  such  fearful  results  been  apprehended. 

In  the  mean  while,  however,  the  state  of  Virginia  had 
taken  part  in  the  issue  made  between  South  Carolina  and 
the  general  government,  in  a  way  which  requires  some 
notice.  At  the  close  of  January,  1833,  the  legislature  of 
Virginia  passed  a  series  of  resolutions  in  relation  to  the 
position  of  South  Carolina.1 

One  of  these  resolutions  requested  South  Carolina  to 
rescind  the  ordinance  of  nullification.  Another  requested 
Congress  to  modify  the  tariff,  and  a  third  resolved  to 

1  43  Niles,  396. 


250  VIRGINIA  SENDS  A  COMMISSIONER. 

appoint  a  commissioner  whose  duty  it  was  to  bear  these 
resolutions  to  South  Carolina,  and  use  his  efforts  to  in 
duce  that  state  to  accede  to  mediation,  and  listen  to  con 
ciliatory  measures. 

The  commissioner  appointed  for  this  purpose,  was 
Benjamin  Watkins  Leigh,  Esq.,  a  gentleman  of  acknow 
ledged  abilities,  of  great  urbanity,  and  every  way  quali 
fied  for  the  mission.  It  was  performed  with  as  much 
success  as  was  possible.  Mr.  Leigh  arrived  at  Charles 
ton  and  made  the  requests  of  Virginia  known.  In  a  letter 
dated  6th  of  February,  1833,  Mr.  Hamilton,  president  of 
the  convention,  said  that  he  would  call  the  convention  to 
gether  at  an  early  day.  He  did  call  them.  The  conven 
tion  rescinded  its  ordinance,  the  troops,  as  above  nar 
rated,  were  withdrawn,  and  the  scenes  of  civil  commo 
tion  which  once  threatened  bloodshed  and  disunion,  were 
closed  without  either.  Friends  in  opposing  ranks  met 
together  rejoicing,  and  no  more  was  heard  of  the  late 
storm  but  the  fainter  and  fainter  murmurs  of  the  receding 
waves  of  agitation. 

At  this  distance  of  time,  the  part  performed  by  Scott 
may  not  seem  of  great  importance.  But  he  who  thinks 
so  should  recollect,  that  history  is  obliged  to  trace  the 
greatest  events  oftentimes  to  very  small  causes ;  and  that 
such  a  part  as  Scott's  at  Charleston,  though  having  neither 
the  crimson  glare  of  battle,  nor  the.  extraordinary  skill  of 
some  artful  act  of  diplomacy,  may  nevertheless  have  been 
the  hinge  of  a  crisis,  and  therefore  more  important  than 
many  battles.  It  is  the  handling  of  a  delicate  subject 
which  makes  it  difficult,  far  more  than  the  settlement  of 
a  question  of  exact  right  or  wrong. 

Of  the  part  which  Scott  bore  in  the  pacification  of  the 


SCOTT'S  EXECUTION  OF  A  DELICATE  TRUST.  251 

South,  we  shall  here  give  the  words  of  Mr.  Leigh, 
who  stood  high  in  the  confidence  of  all  parties,  whose 
evidence  is  unimpeachable,  and  who  had  ample  opportu 
nities  of  observing  all  that  was  done.  He  says — 

"  I  was  at  Charleston  when  he  (Scott)  arrived  and  as 
sumed  the  command,  which  he  did  without  any  parade  or 
fuss.  No  one  who  had  an  opportunity  of  observing  on 
the  spot  the  excitement  that  existed,  can  have  an  ade 
quate  conception  of  the  delicacy  of  the  trust.  General 
Scott  had  a  large  acquaintance  with  the  people  of  Charles 
ton  ;  he  was  their  friend  ;  but  his  situation  was  such  that 
many,  the  great  majority  of  them,  looked  upon  him  as  a 
public  enemy.  What  his  orders  were,  I  cannot  under 
take  to  tell  you,1  nor  have  I  any  means  of  knowing  but 
from  his  conduct,  which,  I  take  it  for  granted,  conformed 
with  them.  He  thought,  as  I  thought,  that  the  first  drop 
of  blood  shed  in  civil  war,  in  civil  war  between  the  United 
States  and  one  of  the  states,  would  prove  an  immedicable 
wound,  which  would  end  in  a  change  of  our  institutions. 
He  was  resolved,  if  it  was  possible,  to  prevent  a  resort  to 
arms  ;  and  nothing  could  have  been  more  judicious  than 
his  conduct.  Far  from  being  prone  to  take  offence,  he 
kept  his  temper  under  the  strictest  guard,  and  was  most 
careful  to  avoid  giving  occasion  for  offence  ;  yet  he  held 
himself  ready  to  act,  if  it  should  become  necessary,  and 
he  let  that  be  distinctly  understood.  He  sought  the  soci 
ety  of  the  leading  nullifiers,  and  was  in  their  society  as 
much  as  they  would  let  him  be,  but  he  took  care  never  to 
say  a  word  to  them  on  the  subject  of  political  differences; 
he  treated  them  as  a  friend.  From  the  beginning  to  the 

1  A  portion  of  these  orders  is  given  in  a  previous  part  of  this  chapter. 


252  SCOTT'S  LETTER  TO  SECRETARY  CASS. 

end,  his  conduct  was  as  conciliatory  as  it  was  firm  and 
sincere,  evincing  that  he  knew  his  duty,  and  was  resolved 
to  perform  it,  and  yet  that  his  principal  object  and  purpose 
was  peace.  He  was  perfectly  successful,  when  the  least 
imprudence  might  have  resulted  in  a  serious  collision." 

We  shall  close  this  chapter  of  American  history  with 
the  addition  of  two  letters  from  the  politico-military  history 
of  that  period.  They  may  serve,  to  illustrate  the  views  and 
peculiar  duties  of  General  Scott. 

Letter  from  Major-General  Scott  to  the  Honorable  Lewis 
Cass,  Secretary  at  War. 

[Extract.]  • 

"  Head  Quarters,  Eastern  Department,  ) 
Savannah,  December  15th,  1832.      $ 

"  Sir— 

I  have  had  the  honor  to  address  you  once  from 
this  place  since  my  return  from  Augusta.  The  letter  bore 
date  the  10th  or  llth  instant.  In  it  I  stated  that  I  had 
not  the  time  to  retain  a  copy. 

"  I  now  take  the  liberty  to  enclose  a  copy  of  a  private 
letter  which  I  addressed  to  -  — ,  Esq.,  a  leading 

member  of  the  South  Carolina  legislature,  and  a  nullifier. 
I  do  this,  because  letters  from  me  to  individuals  of  that 
party  should  be  seen  by  the  government,  and  because  this 
letter  contains  the  sentiments  and  topics  which  I  always 
urge  in  conversation  with  nullifiers. 

"  It  will  be  seen  that  I  speak  of  the  arrival  of  troops  in 
the  harbor  of  Charleston.  I  did  this  because  I  knew  the 
movement  of  the  troops  was,  or  would  be  soon,  known, 


EFFECT  OF  THE  PRESIDENT'S  MESSAGE.  253 

and  because  I  wish  to  prevent  the  idea  of  offensive  opera 
tions,  (invasion.)  Such  an  idea  might  precipitate  the 
state  authorities  into  some  act  of  open  hostility,  which 
would  not  fail  to  be  followed  by  a  civil  war,  at  least  among 
her  own  citizens. 

"  The  President's  annual  message  has  had  the  happiest 
effect  already  on  the  temper  of  nullification  in  this  state, 
(Georgia,)  as  far  as  we  have  heard,  and  cannot  fail  to  pre 
vent  that  doctrine  from  spreading  in  the  South.  What 
may  be  its  effects  on  the  original  nullifiers  in  South  Caro 
lina  is  more  doubtful.  There  is  good  reason,  however, 
to  hope,  that  this  healing  document  may  soon  reduce  them 
to  a  small  minority,  even  in  their  own  state,  and  this  ap 
prehension  may  induce  the  leaders  to  attempt  something 
rash,  to  inflame  the  passions  of  their  followers. 

"  The  friends  of  the  Union  will  see,  by  the  arrival  of 
the  troops  in  Charleston  harbor,  that  they  are  not  aban 
doned  by  the  executive.  This  will  give  vigor  in  another 
way  to  the  resolutions  they  are  about  to  take  at  Colum 
bia,  while  they  will  be  able  to  remind  their  opponents  of 
the  soundness  of  the  prediction,  that  '  the  tariff  would  be 
gradually  but  ultimately  brought  down  to  a  just  point.' 
This  double  operation  is  manifest  on  the  public  mind  of 
this  place.  I  shall  proceed  by  the  first  safe  conveyance, 
say  in  four  or  five  days-,  to  Charleston  harbor,  as  I  wish 
to  be  there  to  regulate  the  posting  of  the  reinforcements, 
which  may  soon  be  expected  from  the  North.  My  aid- 
de-camp  (Lieutenant  Mercer)  will  be  left  to  follow  with 
any  letters  which  may  arrive  before  the  24th  instant." 


254  SCOTT'S  LETTER  TO  A  FRIEND. 

Extracts  from  a  letter  from  Major- General  Scott  to  a  dis 
tinguished  leader  and  friend,  a  member  of  the  S.  Car 
olina  Legislature,  then  in  session  at  Columbia. 

"  Savannah,  Dec.  14th,  1832. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR,— 

"  You  have  an  excellent  memory  to 

remind  me,  after  so  long  an  interval,  of  my  promise  to 
visit  you  when  next  on  a  tour  to  the  South,  and  I  owe  you 
an  apology  for  not  earlier  acknowledging  your  kind  letter. 
It  was  handed  to  me  just  as  I  was  about  to  leave  Charles 
ton,  and  I  have  been  since  too  constantly  in  motion  (to 
Augusta,  and  back  here)  to  allow  me  to  write. 

"As  to  the  'speculations'  at  Columbia  relative  to  'the 
object  of  my  visit  to  Charleston  at  this  moment,'  I  can 
only  say,  that  I  am  on  that  very  tour,  and  about  the  very 
time,  mentioned  by  me  when  I  last  had  the  pleasure  of 
seeing  you.  On  what  evil  days  we  have  fallen,  my  good 
friend,  when  so  common-place  an  event  gives  rise  to  con 
jecture  or  speculation  !  I  can  truly  assure  you,  that  no 
one  has  felt  more  wretched  than  your  humble  correspond 
ent,  since  an  unhappy  controversy  began  to  assume  a  se 
rious  aspect.  I  have  always  entertained  a  high  admira 
tion  for  the  history  and  character  of  South  Carolina,  and 
accident  or  good  fortune  has  thrown  me  into  intimacy, 
and  even  friendship,  with  almost  every  leader  of  the  two 
parties  which  now  divide  and  agitate  the  state.  Would  to 
God  they  were  again  united,  as  during  the  late  war,  when 
her  federalists  vied  with  the  republicans  in  the  career  of 
patriotism  and  glory,  and  when  her  legislature  came  pow- 


HIS  FEARS   OF  DISUNION.  255 

erfully  to  the  aid  of  the  Union.  Well,  the  majority  among 
you  have  taken  a  stand,  and  those  days  of  general  harmony 
may  never  return.  What  an  awful  position  for  South 
Carolina,  as  well  as  for  the  other  states  ! 

"  I  cannot  follow  out  the  long,  dark  shades  of  the  pic 
ture  that  presents  itself  to  my  fears.  I  will  hope,  never 
theless,  for  the  best.  But  I  turn  my  eyes  back,  and,  good 
God  !  what  do  I  behold  ?  Impatient  South  Carolina  could 
not  wait — she  has  taken  a  leap,  and  is  already  a  foreign 
nation ;  and  the  great  names  of  Washington,  Franklin, 
Jefferson,  and  Green,  no  longer  compatriot  with  yours,  or 
those  of  Laurens,  Moultrie,  Pinckney,  and  Marion  with 


mine 


"  But  the  evil,  supposing  the  separation  to  have  been 
peaceable,  would  not  stop  there.  When  one  member  shall 
withdraw,  the  whole  arch  of  the  Union  will  tumble  in. 
Out  of  the  broken  fragments  new  combinations  will  arise. 
We  should  probably  have,  instead  of  one,  three  confed 
eracies — a  northern,  southern,  and  western  reunion  ;  and 
transmontane  Virginia,  your  native  country,  not  belong 
ing  to  the  South,  but  torn  off  by  the  general  West.  I  turn 
with  horror  from  the  picture  I  have  only  sketched.  I  have 
said  it  is  dark ;  let  but  one  drop  of  blood  be  spilt  upon  the 
canvass,  and  it  becomes  '  one  red.' 

" '  Lands  intersected  by  a  narrow  frith 

Abhor  each  other.  Mountains  interposed 
Make  enemies  of  nations,  which  had  else, 
Like  kindred  drops,  been  mingled  into  one.' 

"  But  you  and  my  other  South  Carolina  friends  have 
taken  your  respective  sides,  and  I  must  follow  out  mine. 
"  You  have  probably  heard  of  the  arrival  of  two  or  three 
17 


256  PROBABLE  MEASURES  OF  THE  PRESIDENT. 

companies  at  Charleston,  in  the  last  six  weeks,  and  yon 
may  hear  that  as  many  more  have  followed.  There  is 
nothing  inconsistent  with  the  President's  message  in  these 
movements.  The  intention  simply  is,  that  the  forts  in  the 
harbor  shall  not  be  wrested  from  the  United  States.  I 
believe  it  is  not  apprehended  that  the  state  authorities 
contemplate  any  attack,  at  least  in  the  present  condition 
of  things,  on  these  posts ;  but  I  know  it  has  been  feared 
that  some  unauthorized  multitude,  under  sudden  excite 
ment,  might  attempt  to  seize  them.  The  President,  I 
presume,  will  stand  on  the  defensive — thinking  it  better 
to  discourage  than  to  invite  an  attack — better  to  prevent 
than  to  repel  one,  in  order  to  gain  time  for  wisdom  and 
moderation  to  exert  themselves  in  the  capitol  at  Wash 
ington,  and  in  the  state-house  at  Columbia.  From  hu 
mane  considerations  like  these,  the  posts  in  question  have 
been,  and  probably  will  be,  slightly  reinforced.  I  state 
what  I  partly  know,  and  what  I  partly  conjecture,  in 
order  that  the  case  which  I  see  is  provided  for  in  one  of 
your  bills,1  may  not  be  supposed  to  have  actually  occurred. 
If  I  were  possessed  of  an  important  secret  of  the  govern 
ment,  my  honor  certainly  would  not  allow  me  to  disclose  it ; 
but  there  is  in  the  foregoing  neither  secrecy  nor  deception. 
My  ruling  wish  is,  that  neither  party  take  a  rash  step,  that 
might  put  all  healing  powers  at  defiance.  It  is,  doubtless, 
merely  intended  to  hold  the  posts  for  the  present.  A  few 
companies  are  incapable  of  effecting  any  further  object. 
The  engineer,  also,  is  going  on,  steadily,  but  slowly,  in 


1  The  bill  referred  to  was,  that  South  Carolina  would  consider  the  arri 
val  within  her  limits  of  United  States  troops,  as  the  commencement  of 
her  separate  existence  as  a  state,  and  the  signal  of  war. 


HISTORY  AND  ITS  COMPANIONS.  257 

erecting  the  new  work  on  the  site  of  Fort  Johnson,  (long 
since  projected  for  the  defence  of  the  harbor,)  the  founda 
tion  of  which  is  but  just  laid.  When  finished,  some  years 
hence,  I  trust  it  may  long  be  regarded,  both  by  South 
Carolina  and  the  other  states,  as  one  of  the  bulwarks  of 
our  common  coast. 

"  There  is  nothing  in  this  letter  intended  to  be  confiden- 
ticl,  nor  intended  for  the  public  press.  When  I  com 
menced  it  I  only  designed  giving  utterance  to  private  sen 
timents,  unconnected  with  public  events  ;  but  my  heart 
being  filled  with  grief  on  account  of  the  latter,  my  pen  has 
run  a  little  into  that  distress.  Let  us,  however,  hope  for 
more  cheering  times.  Yet,  be  this  as  it  may,  and  whether 
our  duties  be  several  or  common,  I  shall  always  have  a 
place  in  my  bosom  for  the  private  affections,  and  that  I 
may  ever  stand  in  the  old  relation  to  you,  is  the  sincere 
wish  of  your  friend,  WINFIELD  SCOTT." 

With  these  letters  we  close  the  narrative  of  one  of  the 
most  critical  periods  of  American  history.  It  has  not 
been  written  to  add  to,  or  take  from,  the  merit,  the  errors, 
or  the  part,  of  any  one  of  the  actors  in  those  scenes. 
History  is  not  history  when  it  is  not  just.  It  may  be  a 
picture  of  fancy  made  beautiful  by  the  pencil  of  flattery, 
or  deformed  by  the  pen  of  scandal,  but  it  cannot  be  his 
tory,  when  truth  is  not  the  writer  and  justice  the  witness 
of  its  record. 

The  veil  of  confidence  yet  rests  upon  many  of  Scott's 
acts  and  letters  of  this  period. 


S(f 


MURDER  OF  THE  MAIL  CARRIER.          259 


CHAPTER   XVII. 

1835  TO  1837 

Commencement  of  the  Florida  War. — Description  of  the  Seminoles. — 
Character  of  Osceola. — Battle  of  Wythlacooche. — Massacre  of  Dade's 
Command. — General  Scott  ordered  to  command  the  Army  of  Florida. — 
Plan  of  the  Campaign. — Its  termination. — Meeting  of  the  Troops  at 
Tampa  Bay. — Expeditions. — Sickness  of  the  Army. — Retreats  of  the 
Indians. — Description  of  Florida. — The  Hammock. — The  Everglades. — 
Scott's  Report. — The  manner  of  his  recall. — Demands  a  Court  of  Inquiry. 
— Meeting  of  the  Court. — His  speech. — Opinion  of  the  Court. — Mr. 
Biddle's  speech  in  Congress. — Scott  invited  to  a  Public  Dinner  in  New 
York. — He  declines. — His  Letter. — Asks  to  command  the  Army  in 
Florida,  and  is  refused. 

ON  the  llth  of  August,  1835,  the  United  States  mail 
carrier  who  left  Tampa,  Florida,  was  murdered  about  six 
miles  from  that  place.  The  mangled  body  of  the  carrier 
was  thrown  into  a  pond,  and  the  mail  carried  off.1  The 
murderers,  though  not  taken,  were  ascertained  to  be  In 
dians.  At  first,  this  was  supposed  to  be  only  an  isolated 
outrage.  But  it  was  soon  discovered  that  the  Seminole 
tribe  of  Indians,  then  resident  in  Florida,  united  with  a 
few  individuals  of  the  Creek  tribe,  had  become  discon 
tented,  and  determined  on  opposition  to  the  whites  ;  that 
able  chiefs  were  exciting  them,  and  that  murmurs  of  in 
justice  perpetrated  by  the  people  of  the  United  States 

1  49  Niles's  Register,  51. 


260  ORIGIN  OF  THE  SEMINOLES. 

against  them,  and  of  an  indignant  resistance  to  it,  were 
heard  among  the  small  but  independent  tribes  of  Florida. 
In  about  three  months  more,  this  resistance  and  muttered 
indignation  burst  forth,  in  depredations  against  property, 
in  plantations  ravaged,  in  dwellings  bunit,  and  in  murders 
committed ;  in  fine,  with  the  desolations  and  horrors  of  an 
Indian  war.1  In  return,  they  were  told  that  they  should 
be  swept  from  the  earth ;  but,  if  they  had  the  courage  to 
die  with  arms  in  their  hands,  "  the  white  man  would  not 
deny  them  the  privilege  of  sleeping  out  their  death-sleep 
on  the  soil  upon  which  he  cannot  endure  their  living 
presence." 

The  Seminoles  are  said  to  have  been  chased  into  Flori 
da  from  former  habitations  among  the  Creeks.  They  are 
said  also  to  have  contained  a  very  large  portion  of  the 
mixed  races ;  partly  mulattoes,  more  of  the  half-Indian  and 
half-Negro  blood ;  and,  in  fine,  a  heterogeneous  collec 
tion  of  various  origin.  However  this  may  be,  the  body  of 
the  tribe  was  an  indigenous  family,  endowed  by  nature 
with  courage,  ferocity,  hardihood,  and  the  love  of  country. 
Hemmed  in  by  the  whites,  among  the  almost  unapproach 
able  fens,  hammocks,  woods,  and  creeks,  of  the  peninsula 
of  Florida,  they  resolved  to  defend  their  homes,  and,  if 
they  could  not  live,  die  on  the  soil  they  loved.  The 
unfair  treatment  which  in  many  instances  marked  the 
conduct  of  the  whites  towards  the  Indians,  and  the  mis 
takes  as  to  the  terms  and  meanirig  of  treaties,  were,  it  is 
believed,  in  this,  as  in  many  other  Indian  wars,  the  true 
causes  and  foundation  of  the  controversy. 


1  49  Niles's  Register,  313. 


PARENTAGE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  OSCEOLA.  261 

OSCEOLA,  or  Powell,  one  of  the  head  chiefs  of  the 
Seminoles,  is  represented  as  the  principal  instigator  of  the 
war,  and  one  of  the  boldest  warriors  engaged  in  it.  His 
father  was  a  white  man,  and  his  mother  a  Creek  In 
dian  ;  but,  among  the  Indians,  the  men  take  rank  gen 
erally  from  their  mothers.1  Osceola  was  therefore  known 
as  a  Creek.  But,  like  Ke-o-kuck,  he  inherited  no  title 
or  command.  He  was  raised  to  distinction  by  superior 
talents,  courage,  and  ambition.  Before  the  war,  he  was 
proud,  gloomy,  and  insolent ;  but  on  one  occasion,  in  a 
talk  with  the  agent,  (General  Thompson,)  he  burst  into  a 
paroxysm  of  passion,  declared  the  country  was  theirs,  that 
they  wanted  no  agent,  and  that  he  (General  Thompson) 
had  better  be  off.  For  this  he  was  arrested,  and  confined. 
After  this,  he  assumed  penitence,  appeared  cheerful, 
signed  the  treaty,2  and  was  released,  with  many  fair  pro 
mises.  Subsequent  events  proved  that  this  appearance 
was  but  the  acting  of  a  part.  At  first  he  performed 
friendly  service  to  the  whites,  especially  in  the  daring 
arrest  of  criminals  who  had  taken  refuge  among  the  In 
dians.  By  this  conduct  he  gained  the  confidence  of  the 
agent. 

Suddenly  Osceola  threw  off  his  disguise.  He  mur 
dered  Charley  Mathla,  a  friendly  chief,  forced  his  fol 
lowers  to  join  his  own  standard,  received  his  former  ene 
mies  the  Mic-o-sukees,  as  allies,  and  raised  before  the 
astonished  gaze  of  the  whites  the  firebrand  and  scalping- 
knife.  Soon  after,  on  the  28th  of  December,  1835,  he 
was  seen  at  the  head  of  a  band  who  murdered  General 


1  See  49th  vol.  Niles's  Register,  395,  for  a  character  of  Osceola. 
*  49  Niles's  Register,  395. 


262      APPEARANCE  OF  THE  SEMINOLE  LEADER. 

Thompson,  the  Indian  agent,  and  some  other  gentlemen, 
within  range  of  the  guns  of  Fort  King.1 

Meanwhile,  a  detachment  of  Florida  volunteers  having 
joined  the  regulars,  the  whole,  under  General  Clinch,2 
marched  upon  the  Wythlacoochee,  where  the  Indians  were 
found  embodied.  General  Clinch  having  crossed  the 
river,  was  fiercely  assailed,  Dec.  31st,  1835,  by  Osceola 
and  his  numerous  warriors.  The  attack  was  most  gallantly 
repelled  by  Clinch  and  the  regulars,  about  two  hundred 
men,3  aided  by  a  handful  of  Floridians  who  had  crossed  with 
them.4  In  front,  was  the  daring  Osceola,  who,  after  each 
discharge  of  his  rifle,  was  seen  wiping  it  with  the  utmost 
coolness,  and  his  voice  was  heard  rallying  his  flying  bands. 

The  arrangements  and  battle  of  Wythlacoochee,  honor 
able  to  Clinch  and  the  troops  engaged,5  first  awoke  gov 
ernment  to  the  fixed  purpose  of  the  Indians.  Three 
days  before  this  event,  the  same  party  of  Indians,  as  it 
is  believed,  had  met  and  defeated,  with  most  terrible 
destruction,  the  small  but  gallant  band  of  Major  Dade. 
This  command  had  set  out  from  Fort  Brooke,  to  relieve 
the  post  of  Fort  King,  within  sight  of  which,  as  we  have 
narrated,  the  Indians  had  killed  five  men,  and  which  was  in 
continual  danger.  In  five  days  Major  Dade  had  marched 
about  sixty-five  miles.  They  were  compelled  each  night 
to  intrench  themselves,  and  moved  under  continual  dan- 

1  General  Thompson,  the  Indian  agent,  Lieutenant  Constantine  Smith, 
Erastus  Brooks,  and  two  others,  were  shot  at  Fort  King,  only  250  yards 
from  the  field-pieces.  49  Niles,  368.  "  Clinch's  Rep.  Idem,  366. 

*  Clinch's  Report.     Four  men  were  killed,  and  fifty-nine  wounded. 
4  49  Niles,  395. 

*  The  volunteers,  who  had  not  crossed,  preferred  staying  on  the  safe 
side.     See  Clinch's  Report. 


BABE'S  COMMANB  ATTACKEB  ANB  MASSACREB.      263 

ger  of  surprise.  On  the  day  of  the  attack  they  had  moved 
four  miles  from  their  night  position,  when  they  received  a 
heavy  fire  from  an  unseen  enemy,  and  before  the  attack 
could  be  resisted,  many  of  the  officers  and  men  were 
killed  or  wounded.  Then  the  Indians;  and  negroes  with 
them,  swarmed  up  from  the  ground,  and  completed  what 
was  literally  massacre.  Of  all  this  band,  one  hundred 
and  twelve  in  number,  but  three  escaped.  These  three 
escaped  only  by  artifice.1 

The  annals  of  war  record  very  many  bloody  scenes  and 
terrible  destructions,  but  hardly  one  where  the  destruc 
tion  was  so  total,  the  disaster  so  complete.  It  proved  the 
extreme  ferocity  of  the  Seminoles,  and  the  desperate 
energy  with  which  they  waged,  what  was  apparent  to  all 
— their  last  contest  with  the  whites. 

The  battle  of  Wythlacoochee,  and  the  destruction  of 
Dade's  command,  were  but  parts  of  the  tragedy  which,  in 
the  winter  of  1835-6,  was  enacted  in  Florida.  Close  to 
St.  Augustine  itself,  on  all  the  outside  plantations,  on  all 
the  highways,  and  amidst  all  the  white  settlements,  not 
immediately  defended  by  soldiers,  were  seen  the  blazing 
fires  of  sudden  conflagration,  the  mangled  body  of  some 
surprised  inhabitant,  or  his  destroyed  property  scattered  in 
the  fields,  or  thrown  into  streams.2  The  Indian  of  Florida 


1  The  officers  who  were  killed,  were  Major  Bade,  who  was  killed  at 
the  first  fire,  Captain  G.  W.  Gardiner,  Lieutenant  Bassinger,  Captain 
Frazier,  Lieutenant  Keayes,  Lieutenant  Mudge,  Lieutenant  Henderson, 
and  Dr.  Gatlin.  Their  conduct  was  brave,  skilful,  and  patriotic.  Their 
loss  was  felt  not  only  in  the  army  but  in  the  country,  and  this  event  was 
a  shock  to  the  nation.  At  West  Point  a  neat  monument  has  been  erected 
to  those  who  fell  in  that  defeat. 

1  See  49  Niles's  Register,  368-370. 


264  SCOTT  ISSUES  HIS  GENERAL  ORDERS. 

waged  a  war  of  which  the  knife  and  the  torch  were  the 
means,  and  death  and  desolation  the  end.  Concealed  in 
impenetrable  marshes  or  tangled  thickets,  in  a  country 
where  heat  and  insects  were  no  small  enemies,  he  ap 
pealed  to  the  elements  as  much  as  to  arms  for  his  defence, 
and  defied  the  soldiers  of  civilization  in  retreats  and  wil 
dernesses  to  which  civilization  was  a  stranger. 

Such  was  the  situation  of  Florida  and  the  progress  of 
the  war,  when,  on  the  20th  of  January,  1836,  General 
Scott  was  ordered  to  the  command  of  the  army  of  Florida.1 
He  saw  the  Secretary  at  War  at  four  o'clock  on  the  after 
noon  of  that  day.  Being  asked  when  he  could  set  out  for 
Florida,  he  replied,  "that  night."  His  instructions,  how 
ever,  could  not  be  drawn  up  till  the  following  day.  On 
the  21st,  it  appeared  probable  that  many  of  the  Creeks 
would  join  the  Seminoles,  and  General  Scott  received 
orders  to  proceed  immediately  to  the  theatre  of  hostilities 
and  assume  the  command.  Having  reached  Picolata,  on 
the  St.  John's  River,  Scott  issued  his  general  orders  on 
the  22d  of  February.  He  formed  the  army  into  three  di 
visions.  The  troops  on  the  west  of  the  St.  John's,  under 
the  gallant  General  Clinch,  were  to  constitute  the  right 
wing  of  the  army.  Those  on  the  east  of  that  river,  under 
Brigadier-General  Eustis,  the  left ;  while  those  at  Tampa 
Bay,  under  Colonel  Lindsay,  were  to  form  the  centre. 
These  troops  were  to  be  reinforced  by  volunteers  from  the 
neighboring  states. 

By  a  report  of  the  adjutant-general,2  it  appears  that  the 
regular  troops  in  Florida  at  this  time  were  twelve  hun- 

1  The  "  Globe"  of  January  22d,  1836. 

9  Adjutant-General  Jones's  Report,  49  Niles's  Register,  438. 


NEGRO  ALLIES  OF  THE  INDIANS.  266 

dred,  including  officers,  and  that  Scott  had  authority  to  call 
on  the  governors  of  Georgia,  Alabama,  South  Carolina, 
and  Florida,  for  as  many  militia  as  he  deemed  necessary.1 

In  the  instructions  given  to  General  Scott,  was  the  fol 
lowing  passage — "  In  consequence  of  representations  from 
Florida,  that  measures  would  probably  be  taken  to  trans 
port  the  slaves  captured  by  the  Indians  to  the  Havana,  it 
appears  that  instructions  were  given  to  the  armed  vessels 
to  prevent  such  proceedings,  and  General  Scott  was  di 
rected  to  allow  no  pacification  with  the  Indians  while  a 
living  slave  belonging  to  a  white  man  remained  in  their 
possession."2 

It  appeared  also,  by  the  accounts  of  subsequent  battles, 
and  proceedings  in  the  removal  of  the  Indians,  that  there 
were  many  negroes  among  them.  At  the  battle  in  which 
Dade's  corps  were  destroyed,  there  were  no  less  than 
sixty  in  one  company,  mounted.3  Whether  these  were 
originally  slaves  or  not,  is  not  known.  However  this 
may  have  been,  this  order,  taken  in  connection  with  the 
number  of  negroes  among  the  Indians,  presents  one  of 
the  remarkable  features  of  this  portion  of  our  history.  It 
seems  that  the  negro  portion  of  the  Seminoles  was  among 
the  most  ferocious  members  of  the  tribe,  strongly  exas 
perated  against  the  whites,  and  it  also  seems,  that  the 
exasperation  of  the  government  against  them  was  equally 
great,  when  it  could  occasion  an  order  as  severe  as  that 
issued  by  the  Secretary  at  War  to  General  Scott. 


1  Adjutant-General  Jones's  Report,  49  Niles's  Register,  438. 
8  This  passage  is  quoted  from  the  report  of  Adjutant-General  Jones  to 
the  Secretary  of  War,  dated  February  9th,  1836, 49  Niles,  438. 
s  Narrative  of  Clarke,  who  escaped,  50  Niles,  420. 


366     THE  ARMY  MOVES  THROUGH  THE  COUNTRY. 

Though  the  regular  troops  were  only  about  twelve 
hundred  in  number,  they  were  reinforced  by  large  bodies 
of  volunteers  from  Florida,  Georgia',  Alabama,  South 
Carolina,  and  Louisiana.1  This  description  of  troops, 
however,  cannot  be  retained  long  in  the  field,  and  the 
campaigns  in  which  they  are  employed  are  necessarily 
short.  It  was  after  the  middle  of  March,  when  General 
Scott,  having  made  all  his  arrangements  for  the  three 
divisions  of  the  army,  and  they  having  been  joined  by  the 
volunteers,  the  columns  of  Clinch,  Eustis,  and  Lindsay, 
respectively  moved  towards  the  Wythlacoochee,  in  order 
to  meet  in  what  was  supposed  to  be  the  heart  of  the  In 
dian  country.2  It  was  then  confidently  believed  that  the 
great  body  of  the  Indians  were  in  the  swamp,  about  the 
junction  of  the  Wythlacoochee. 

The  troops,  however,  moved  through  the  country,  with 
out  meeting  any  other  enemy  than  separate  parties  of  the 
Seminoles,  who  from  time  to  time  were  met,  and  who 
fought  fiercely  in  their  retreat.  All  the  battles  and  the  plans 
which  had  preceded  this  expedition,  had  evidently  failed 
of  either  breaking  the  spirit  of  the  Indians,  or  even  of  tra 
cing  them  to  their  coverts  and  towns.  The  columns  of  Scott 
moved  through  the  country  which  had  been  the  scene  of 
Dade's  massacre,  and  of  the  battles  with  Clinch  and  Gaines, 
without  having  discovered  the  retreats  of  the  Indians,  and, 
in  fact,  without  having  met  any  large  body  of  them. 

On  the  5th  of  April3  all  the  divisions  of  the  army  had 
arrived  at  Tampa  Bay.  Their  arrival  was  hastened  by 

1  Scott's  Official  Report,  dated  12th  April,  1836. 

*  General  Scott  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  50  Niles,  121. 

*  Scott's  Report,  50  Niles,  188. 


SEVERE  SICKNESS  OF  THE  TROOPS.  267 

both  sickness  and  hunger.  It  had  been  found  impossible 
to  carry  a  large  supply  of  provisions  through  a  country 
where  the  men  alone  could  scarcely  advance,  where 
horses  were  continually  failing,  and  where  climate  ren 
dered  it  dangerous  to  expose  the  men  to  unusual  fatigue. 
Each  had  in  turn  hastened  to  Tampa.  The  expedition 
having  failed  in  its  main  object — the  discovery  and  break 
ing  up  of  the  enemy's  main  or  central  stronghold — Gen 
eral  Scott  determined  to  scour  the  country  with  small  de 
tachments  and  corps,  in  order,  if  possible,  to  uncover  the 
Indian  retreats.  Five  different  corps  were  employed  in 
this  way.1  One  was  led  by  Scott  himself,  which,  passing 
the  battle-ground  of  Dade,  crossed  the  Ocklewaha,  and 
finally  ascended  in  a  steamboat  from  Volusia  up  the  St. 
John's  River.  Another  corps  moved  under  the  command 
of  Clinch  ;  another  under  Eustis  ;  another  under  Colonel 
Smith,  up  Peas  Creek  ;  a  fifth  moved  under  Major  Reed, 
up  the  Wythlacoochee  from  its  mouth ;  and  a  sixth  was 
commanded  by  Colonel  Lindsay.  None  of  these  parties, 
however,  met  with  any  more  important  events  than  that 
of  meeting  small  parties  of  the  enemy,  and  occasional 
skirmishes. 

When  this  campaign,  whose  entire  period  was  scarcely 
one  month,  had  terminated,  the  troops  had  already  been 
attacked  with  severe  sickness  ;  near  four  hundred  were 
in  the  hospitals  ;2  the  provisions  were  totally  inadequate 
to  proceed  farther,  and  for  the  first  time  it  had  been  fully 
discovered,  and  proved,  that  the  enemy  to  be  pursued  was 
lodged  literally  in  wildernesses  and  swamps,  to  which  the 

1  Scott's  Report. 

*  National  Intelligencer  quoted,  50  Niles,  161. 


268  PLANS  OF  GENERAL  SCOTT. 

feet  of  civilized  men  had  scarcely  ever  penetrated,  and 
which  were  inaccessible  to  the  common  methods  of  ap 
proach  by  regular  troops.  Notwithstanding  these  facts,  it 
is  not  very  surprising,  that  many  of  the  inhabitants  of 
Florida  on  the  exposed  frontier  were  alarmed,  and  freely 
censured  the  general,  who,  however  brave,  zealous,  or 
indefatigable,  had  nevertheless  been  unable  to  conquer  the 
laws  of  nature,  or  resist  the  approaches  of  disease. 

At  various  places  in  the  northeastern  part  of  Florida, 
these  censures  were  cast  upon  Scott  without  any  inquiry 
as  to  the  power  of  the  army  at  that  season1  to  accomplish 
more  than  had  been  done.  In  reply  to  these  ungenerous 
strictures,  he  issued  an  order,  dated  May  17th,  1836,  pro 
nouncing  much  of  the  alarm  which  existed  a  mere  panic, 
and  pointing  out  the  methods  and  forces  by  which  the 
settlements  would  be  protected  during  the  summer.2 

At  this  time,  and  with  all  the  subsequent  history  of  the 
Florida  War,  the  plans  of  General  Scott  require  no  vindi 
cation  ;  for  they  have  been  amply  vindicated  by  the  six 
years  of  time,  and  the  immense  cost  in  money,  required 
by  the  government  to  accomplish  the  conquest  of  the 
Seminoles,  as  well  as  by  the  knowledge  of  the  country  and 
the  Indians,  afterwards  obtained.  The  plans  of  a  general 
or  a  statesman  must  be  judged  by  the  means  he  had,  and 
the  circumstances  in  which  he  was  placed  at  the  time, 
and  not  by  the  better  knowledge  of  other  men  in  other 
times. 

At  the  time  when  Scott  formed  his  plan  against  the 


1  It  must  be  recollected  that  the  period  of  going  into  quarters  at  the 
South  is  summer,  not  winter. 
*  50  Niles,  239. 


COUNTRY  ENCLOSED  BY  THE  TROOPS.       269 

Indians  of  Florida,  what  was  known  of  them  or  of  the 
country  ?  The  greater  part  of  Florida  had  scarcely  been 
visited,  even  by  the  naturalist  in  pursuit  of  his  science,  or 
by  the  traveller  who  seeks  curiosities  amidst  the  wilds  of 
nature.  It  possessed  little  attractions  of  soil,  and,  except 
innumerable  beasts  and  reptiles,  was  inhabited  only  by 
the  ferocious  Seminole,  and  the  equally  savage  blacks, 
who  had  taken  refuge  among  them.  Of  the  towns  and 
residence  of  the  Seminoles,  little  or  no  knowledge  existed 
among  the  whites.  They  were  known  by  their  approach 
to  the  settlements,  and,  when  the  war  broke  out,  by  their 
devastation  of  the  plantations,  and  by  the  places  where 
they  became  visible  in  attacks  on  forts  and  troops.  It 
could  therefore  only  be  known  where  to  seek  and  attack 
them,  by  observing  where  they  were  most  frequently 
found,  and  by  such  information  as  Indian  stragglers  in  the 
white  settlements  could  give.  At  the  time  of  Scott's 
campaign,  all  the  then  information  unquestionably  pointed 
to  the  waters  of  the  Wythlacoochee  and  the  St.  John's, 
as  the  heart  of  the  Indian  country.  Accordingly,  against 
this  district  the  movement  of  the  army  was  directed. 
The  columns  into  which  it  was  divided,  moved  in  three 
directions,  scouring  also  the  country  adjacent  to  these 
lines,  and  finally  uniting.  This  military  survey  compre 
hended  the  general  space  between  Tampa  Bay  and  St. 
Augustine.  Had  the  Indian  domestic  population  really 
been  there,  it  is  scarcely  possible  they  should  not  have 
been  discovered  and  subdued.  The  plan,  therefore,  was 
reasonable,  and  had  a  strong  probability  of  success. 

It  was  the  geographical  peculiarity  of  Florida,  the  pe 
culiar  nature  of  its  marshes,  thickets,  and  woods,  with 
the  dangers  of  the  climate,  which  made  this  campaign 


270  DESCRIPTION  OF  FLORIDA. 

fruitless,  and  which  for  several  successive  years  baffled 
all  the  efforts  of  the  government  to  subdue  a  small,  but 
brave  and  desperate  band  of  Indians. 

Florida  is  a  long  and  narrow  peninsula,  jutting  from  the 
main  continent  out  into  the  ocean.  Its  entire  length  is 
about  four  hundred  miles,  and  its  average  breadth  scarcely 
more  than  one  hundred.  Through  more  than  three- 
fourths  of  this  peninsula,  the  St.  John's  River  flows,  oc 
casionally  spreading  out  into  lakes  and  marshes,  and 
finally  disemboguing  itself  into  the  Atlantic,  near  the 
northeastern  corner  of  Florida.  Tampa  Bay  was  nearly 
the  Southern  extremity  of  the  operations  of  the  army,  and 
that  was  only  about  the  middle  of  this  long  point  of  land. 
Hence,  it  is  not  difficult  to  see  how  it  happened,  that  the 
domestic  coverts  of  the  Indians,  the  women  and  children, 
and  their  lodgements,  were  not  discovered,  and  that  there 
were  refuges  and  settlements  for  them  which  could  not  be 
reached  by  a  regular  army,  and  could  only  be  conquered 
by  an  environment  of  posts,  which  was  the  plan  finally 
adopted.1 

Had  Florida  been  an  open  country,  or  had  it  been  like 
the  dry  forest-lands  of  the  North,  or,  finally,  had  it  been 
hills  and  vales,  the  Seminoles  could  never  have  main 
tained  more  than  one  campaign.  But  Florida  was  pecu 
liar  in  its  natural  and  geographical  circumstances.  In 
addition  to  the  peculiarities  already  mentioned,  Florida  is 
distinguished  for  the  singularity  of  its  vegetable  growth. 
Two  kinds  of  growth,  or  the  scenery  of  growth,  are  known 

1  The  utter  impossibility  of  meeting  the  Indians  at  any  one  point,  and 
their  power  to  escape  in  small  parties  in  any  direction,  established  this 
principle.  The  recent  maps  of  Florida  exhibit  more  than  thirty  forts,  or 
posts,  established  to  surround  and  watch  the  Indians. 


THE  HAMMOCK.  271 

there  by  the  names  of  the  HAMMOCK  and  the  EVERGLADE. 
These  are  very  elegantly  described  in  a  letter  which  ap 
peared  at  the  time  in  the  Northampton  Courier.1 

"  The  HAMMOCK,"  says  the  writer,  "is  an  oasis  in  the 
desert.  After  travelling  over  many  a  tedious  mile  of 
sterile  sand,  covered  with  a  thin  growth  of  gloomy  fir,  not 
a  sound  to  be  heard  in  the  dreary  wilds  save  that  which 
you  yourself  may  cause,  you  perceive  in  the  distance  an 
emerald  .isle,  with  all  the  d,elight  of  a  sea-worn  mariner, 
who,  after  a  long  voyage,  hears  the  first  cry  of  the  thrilling 
land,  ho  !  As  you  approach  this  land  of  promise,  you  see 
spread  before  you  one  of  the  most  imposing,  and  at  the 
same  time  beautiful  scenes  in  nature.  A  luxuriant  soil 
extending  perhaps  for  many  miles,  covered  with  every 
variety  of  the  laurel  and  other  evergreen  trees  and  shrubs, 
and  in  the  midst,  towering  above  them  all,  the  stately 
magnolia  grandiflora,  the  surrounding  atmosphere  redolent 
with  its  delicious  flowers,  combined  with  those  of  the  or 
ange,  lemon,  and  endless  others.  To  these  add  one  hun 
dred  and  twenty  varieties  of  deciduous  forest  trees  ;  flow 
ers  and  plants  without  number,  many  that  have  lived  and 
died  for  ages  past  unknown,  and  you  will  have,  after  all, 
but  a  very  faint  description  of  the  hammock  in  East  Flor 
ida.  How  can  I  adequately  describe  the  effect  of  the 
many  beautiful  little  rills  which,  springing  from  the  feet 
of  these  giants  of  the  forest,  traverse  these  favored  spots 
in  every  direction,  and  finally  lose  themselves  in  the  adja 
cent  pine  forest.  The  deposite  at  the  bottom  of  these  is 
generally  a  perfectly  white  sand,  and  the  water  as  pure  and 
limpid  as  a  crystal. 


See  50  Niles,  334. 
18 


272  THE  EVERGLADES. 

"  The  EVERGLADES  you  inquire  about  are  immense  un- 
tenanted  tracts,  stretching  north  and  south  from  Lake 
George  to  very  near  the  southern  extremity  of  the  pe 
ninsula,  sometimes  extending,  sometimes  contracting  in 
breadth  from  east  to  west,  til]  it  assumes  its  greatest  di 
mensions  between  27°  and  25°  30'.  In  this  immense 
body  of  waste,  composed  principally  of  morass,  and  cov 
ering  probably  (for  every  thing  is  rather  hypothetical  that 
relates  to  this  terra  incognita)  from  four  to  five  thousand 
square  miles,  lies  Lake  Mayaca,  and  here  also  is  the 
source  of  the  noble  river  Charlotte.  These  vast  and  in 
accessible  morasses  have  always,  and  will  afford  a  safe 
asylum  to  fugitive  Indians,  so  long  as  they  inhabit  the 
peninsula,  and  they  can  there,  it  is  said,  secure  from  in 
trusion,  subsist  upon  such  game  and  fish  as  these  wilds 
produce.  It  becomes,  therefore,  the  policy  of  the  com 
manders  of  our  army  to  cut  them  off  from  this  favorite 
retreat,  and  this  they  no  doubt  will  endeavor,  as  a  primary 
object,  to  effect." 

This  is  an  account  of  the  country  as  it  was  in  1836, 
and  exhibits  clearly  enough  the  mode  by  which  the  In 
dians  eluded  successfully  the  search  of  Scott's  army. 
When  that  army  retired,  as  we  have  stated,  to  summer 
(not  winter)  quarters,  already  in  want  of  provisions,  worn 
down  by  fatigue,  and  with  an  hospital  rapidly  filling  with 
invalids,1  censures  in  northeastern  Florida  were  freely 
made  against  the  general.  How  little  reason  there  was 
for  these  censures  has  been  shown  by  this  narrative 
of  facts,  and  yet  more  by  the  subsequent  campaigns  of  the 

Clinch's  report  of  his  forces  to  Scott,  dated  the  27th  of  April,  1836. 


OPINION  OF  GENERAL  CLINCH.  273 

army  in  the  same  region.1  General  Clinch,  a  most  com 
petent  judge,  approved  of  the  plan  then  adopted,  as  is 
shown  by  his  report  of  April  27th,  in  which  he  says — 
"  The  only  true  plan  of  operations  against  them,  (Indians,) 
will  be  that  first  designed  by  you ;  that  is,  a  force  by 
Peklekoha,  a  force  ascending  by  my  route,  and  a  corre 
sponding  one  on  the  north  side." 

Scott,  however,  had,  in  this  brief  campaign,  learned  the 
extreme  difficulties  of  the  country ;  and  while  he  did  not 
believe  the  Indian  warriors  constituted  a  large  body,  he 
nevertheless  believed  and  apprized  the  war  department, 
that  a  much  larger  force,  and  very  different  arrangements, 
would  be  necessary.  In  his  report  of  the  30th  of  April,8 
he  says — "  To  end  this  war,  I  am  now  persuaded,  that 
not  less  than  three  thousand  troops  are  indispensable ; 
two  thousand  four  hundred  infantry,  and  six  hundred 
horse  ;  the  country  to  be  scoured  and  occupied  requiring 
that  number."  He  also  recommended  "  two  or  three 
steamers  with  a  light  draught  of  water,  and  fifty  or  sixty 
barges  capable  of  carrying  from  ten  to  fifteen  men  each. 
I  have  no  desire,"  said  he,  "  to  conduct  the  operations  of 
the  new  forces  ;  that  is  an  honor  which  I  shall  neither 
solicit  nor  decline."  In  fact,  it  took  much  more  than  this 
force  to  accomplish  the  overthrow  of  the  Seminoles. 

In  the  mean  while,  disturbances  broke  out  among  the 
Creek  Indians  in  Georgia  and  Alabama.  On  the  21st  of 


1  It  took  five  or  six  campaigns  subsequent  to  this,  in  order  to  finish 
the  Florida  War.  It  would  be  no  exaggeration  to  say,  that  the  Florida 
War  cost  the  United  States  two  thousand  lives,  and  twenty  millions  of 
dollars  ! 

1  See  this  report  in  50  Niles's  Register. 


274  CIRCUMSTANCES  OF  SCOTl's  RECALL. 

May,  General  Scott  left  St.  Augustine  for  Georgia.  There 
he  proceeded  forthwith  to  organize  the  volunteer  corps 
and  commissariat  department,  so  that  the  operations  might 
be  successful.  The  Indians  in  Georgia  were  not  favored 
by  the  extraordinary  nature  of  the  country,  and  were  easily 
subdued.  In  the  beginning  of  July,  five  hundred  had 
already  surrendered  prisoners,  and  on  the  12th  of  July, 
General  Jesup  (who  had  assumed  the  command  three 
days  before)  writes  that  nine  hundred  of  thirteen  hundred 
who  had  previously  dispersed,  were  surrendered  and  con 
fined.1 

On  the  9th  of  July,  however,  General  Scott  gave  up  the 
command  of  the  army,2  having  been  ordered  to  Washing 
ton  under  extraordinary  circumstances. 

A  short  time  previous  some  misunderstanding  had  oc 
curred  between  General  Scott  and  General  Jesup,  as  to 
military  arrangements.  Scott  had  complained  to  the  war 
department  of  an  alleged  disobedience  of  orders  ;  and 
Jesup,  on  the  other  hand,  had  written  a  letter  to  the  editor 
of  the  Globe  newspaper,3  in  which  he  said,  that  he  be 
lieved  Scott's  "  course  had  been  destructive  of  the  best 
interests  of  the  country,"  and  desired  that  the  President 
should  be  shown  the  letter.  Mr.  Blair,  the  person  to 
whom  it  was  addressed,  did  show  it  to  the  President,  and 
he  very  unexpectedly4  endorsed  on  the  back  of  the  letter, 
that  the  Secretary  of  War  "  forthwith  order  General  Scott 

1  Jesup's  Letter,  50  Nilea,  364. 

*  Jesup's  order  of  that  date,  50  Niles,  364. 

*  This  letter  in  dated  June  20th,  1836,  from  Fort  Mitchel,  Alabama. 
It  may  be  found  in  50  Niles's  Register,  382. 

4  In  the  "  Globe"  of  July  20th,  1836,  Blair  says,  that  the  President 
gave  "  a  turn"  to  this  letter  he  did  not  anticipate. 


MEETING  OF  A  COURT  OF  INQUIRY.  ,  275 

to  this  place,  in  order  that  an  inquiry  be  had"  into  the 
delay1  in  prosecuting  the  Creek  war,  and  the  failure  of 
the  Florida  campaign.  This  letter  the  President  chose  to 
consider  as  semi-official,  and  ordered  it  to  be  filed  as  a 
public  document. 

In  this  manner  General  Scott  was  recalled.  He  pro 
ceeded  immediately  to  Washington  to  demand  a  court  of 
inquiry,  and  on  the  3d  of  October  a  court,  composed  of 
Major-General  Macomb,  and  Brigadier-Generals  Atkinson 
and  Brady,  wras  directed  to  assemble  at  Frederick,  in  Ma 
ryland.  After  a  long  delay,  occasioned  in  a  great  degree 
by  the  'difficulty  of  procuring  the  attendance  of  witnesses, 
many  of  whom  were  engaged  at  the  seat  of  war,  the  trial 
was  had.  After  a  speech  by  General  Scott,  clear  in  it's 
arrangement,  close  in  reasoning,  and  a  complete  vindica 
tion  of  his  course,  the  court  unanimously  acquitted,  or 
rather,  as  it  was  a  court  of  inquiry,  approved  his  course. 
They  pronounced  the  plan  of  the  Seminole  campaign  well 
"devised,  and  prosecuted  with  energy,  steadiness,  and 
ability."  In  regard  to  the  Creek  war,  they  said  "  the  plan 
of  the  campaign,  as  adopted  by  Major-General  Scott,  was 
well  calculated  to  lead  to  successful  results  ;  and  that  it 
was  prosecuted  by  him,  as  far  as  practicable,  with  zeal 
and  ability,  until  he  was  recalled  from  the  command." 

In  order  that  this  subject  may  be  fully  understood,  we 
shall  cite  some  passages  from  the  official  documents,  pub 
lished  by  order  of  the  Senate  in  1837,  containing  the 


1  It  turned  out  that  an  order  addressed  to  Scott,  to  take  the  direction 
of  the  Creek  war,  did  not  reach  him  till  a  month  after  it  was  sent.  It 
had  been  directed  to  an  obscure  village  of  Florida,  and  Scott  was  on  his 
way  to  the  Creek  region  before  he  received  it. 


276  SCOTT'S  ADDRESS  TO  THE  COURT. 

"  Proceedings  of  the   Military  Court  of  Inquiry,  in  the 
case  of  Major-General  Scott." 

When  the  testimony  had  been  gone  through  with,  Gen 
eral  Scott  commenced  summing  up  with  the  following 
exordium : — l 

"  Mr.  President,  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Court : 

"  When  a  Doge  of  Genoa,  for  some  imaginary  offence, 
imputed  by  Louis  14th,  was  torn  from  his  government 
and  compelled  to  visit  France,  in  order  to  debase  himself 
before  that  inflated  monarch,  he  was  asked,  in  the  palace, 
what  struck  him  with  the  greatest  wonder  amid  the  blaze 
of  magnificence  in  his  view.  '  To  find  myself  here  !'  was 
the  reply  of  the  indignant  Lescaro.  And  so,  Mr.  Presi 
dent,  unable,  as  I  am,  to  remember  one  blunder  in  my  re 
cent  operations,  or  a  single  duty  neglected,  I  may  say,  that 
to  find  myself  in  the  presence  of  this  honorable  court, 
while  the  army  I  but  recently  commanded  is  still  in  pur 
suit  of  the  enemy,  fills  me  with  equal  grief  and  astonish 
ment. 

"  And  whence  this  great  and  humiliating  transition  ?  It 
is,  sir,  by  the  fiat  of  one,  who,  from  his  exalted  station, 
and  yet  more  from  his  unequalled  popularity,  has  never, 
with  his  high  displeasure,  struck  a  functionary  of  this  gov 
ernment,  no  matter  what  the  office  of  the  individual,  hum 
ble  or  elevated,  who  was  not  from  the  moment  withered 
in  the  general  confidence  of  the  American  people.  Yes, 
sir,  it  is  my  misfortune  to  lie  under  the  displeasure  of  that 
most  distinguished  personage.  The  President  of  the  Uni 
ted  States  has  said,  '  Let  General  Scott  be  recalled  from 
the  command  of  the  army  in  the  field,  and  submit  his  con- 

1  Reported  for  the  National  Intelligencer. 


HE  APPEALS  TO  ITS  JUSTICE.  .         277 

duct  in  the  Seminole  and  Creek  campaigns  to  a  court  for 
investigation.'  And  lo  !  I  stand  here  to  vindicate  that  con 
duct,  which  must  again  be  judged  in  the  last  resort,  by 
him  who  first  condemned  it  without  trial  or  inqiiiry.  Be 
it  so.  I  shall  not  supplicate  this  court,  nor  the  authority 
that  has  to  review  the  '  opinion'  here  given.  On  the  con 
trary,  I  shall  proceed  at  once  to  challenge  your  justice  to 
render  me  that  honorable  discharge  from  all  blame  or  cen 
sure  which  the  recorded  evidence  imperiously  demands. 
With  such  discharge  before  him,  and  enlightened  by  the 
same  mass  of  testimony,  every  word  of  which  speaks 
loudly  in  my  favor,  the  commander-in-chief  of  the  army 
and  the  navy  cannot  hesitate ;  he  must  acquiesce,  and 
then,  although  nothing  may  ever  compensate  me  for  the 
deep  mortification  I  have  been  recently  made  to  experi 
ence,  I  may  hope  to  regain  that  portion  of  the  public  es 
teem  which  it  was  my  happiness  to  enjoy  on  past  occa 
sions  of  deep  moment  to  the  power  and  the  glory  of  the 
United  States  of  America." 

The  general  then  examined  and  collated  the  evidence, 
making  an  elaborate  exposition  of  all  the  circumstances 
of  the  campaign,  as  they  are  narrated  in  the  facts  we  have 
here  recorded.  He  closed  his  remarks  in  the  following 
manner : — 

"  Mr.  President,  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Court, — I  am 
exhausted,  but  should  do  equal  wrong  to  justice  and  to 
my  own  feelings,  not  to  return  to  each  and  every  one  of 
you  my  hearty  thanks  for  the  patience  and  impartiality  you 
have  all  shown,  including  the  judge-advocate,  in  this  long 
investigation. 

"  Every  material  fact  which  has  been  given  in  evidence 
that  could  by  mere  possibility  affect  your  judgments  to 


278        .          OPINION  OF  THE  COURT  OF  INQUIRY. 

my  prejudice,  and  I  recollect  but  few  of  that  character, 
will  be  found  carefully  embodied,  or  specifically  referred 
to  in  this  summary.  Much,  I  know,  has  been  wholly 
omitted  on  the  other  side.  These  declarations,  I  am  con 
fident,  no  examinations  will  be  able  to  controvert ;  and 
here  I  may  add,  that  there  is  not  an  important  circum 
stance  in  all  my  recent  conduct  in  the  field,  which  was  not 
duly  reported  at  the  earliest  moment,  and  with  my  own 
hand,  for  the  information  of  government.  With,  then, 
this  overwhelming  mass  of  evidence  in  my  favor,  permit 
me  again  to  ask,  by  what  strange  fatality  do  I  find  myself 
here  ?  It  is  for  this  court,  with  the  approbation  of  the 
President  of  the  United  States,  to  bid  me  depart  with  hon 
or  ;  and  that  that  decision  may  be  without  the  further  alloy 
of  suspense,  in  which  I  have  now  but  too  long  been  held, 
under  circumstances  which,  perhaps,  could  not  have  been 
controlled,  I  will  ask  that  it  be  speedily  rendered" 

The  decision  of  the  court  of  inquiry  was  entirely  in  fa 
vor  of  General  Scott.  In  order  that  this  may  fully  ap 
pear,  the  following  extracts  are  transcribed  from  the 
opinion  of  the  court,  in  regard  both  to  the  Florida  and  the 
Creek  campaigns  : — 

"  The  court,  after  a  careful  review  of  the  great  mass  of 
testimony  taken  in  the  foregoing  investigation,  (the  Florida 
campaign,)  finds  that  Major-General  Scott  was  amply 
clothed  with  authority  to  create  the  means  of  prosecuting 
the  Seminole  war  to  a  successful  issue  ;  but  is  of  opinion 
that,  at  the  time  he  was  invested  with  the  command,  the 
season  was  too  far  advanced  for  him  to  collect,  appoint, 
and  put  in  motion  his  forces,  until  a  day  too  late  to  ac 
complish  the  object.  It  appears  that  after  using  great 
diligence  and  energy,  he  was  not  in  a  condition  to  take  the 


IT  APPROVES  OF  SCOTT's  PLANS  AND  ACTION.    279 

field  and  enter  the  enemy's  strongholds  before  the  28th  of 
March,  and  then  without  sufficient  means  for  transporting 
the  necessary  supplies  to  enable  him  to  remain  there  long 
enough  to  seek  out  the  scattered  forces  of  the  enemy. 

"  The  court,  therefore,  ascribe  the  failure  of  the  cam 
paign  to  the  want  of  time  to  operate,  the  insalubrity  of  the 
climate  after  the  middle  of  April,  the  impervious  swamps 
and  hammocks  that  abound  in  the  country  then  occupied 
by  the  enemy,  affording  him  cover  and  retreat  at  every 
step,  and  absence  of  all  knowledge,  by  the  general  or  any 
part  of  his  forces,  of  the  topography  of  the  country,  to 
gether  with  the  difficulty  of  obtaining,  in  time,  the  means 
of  transporting  supplies  for  the  army. 

"  The  court  is  further  of  opinion,  from  the  testimony  of 
many  officers  of  rank  and  intelligence  who  served  in  the 
campaign,  that  Major-General  Scott  was  zealous  and  in 
defatigable  in  the  discharge  of  his  duties,  and  that  his 
plan  of  campaign  was  well  devised,  and  prosecuted  with 
energy,  steadiness,  and  ability." 

On  the  other  charge,  which  was  tried  at  the  same  time, 
of  delay  in  opening  and  prosecuting  the  Creek  campaign 
in  1836,  the  opinion  of  the  court  was  as  follows,  viz.: — 

"  Upon  a  careful  examination  of  the  abundant  testimony 
taken  in  the  foregoing  case,  the  court  is  of  opinion  that  no 
delay,  which  it  was  practicable  to  have  avoided,  was  made 
by  Major-General  Scott  in  opening  the  campaign  against 
the  Creek  Indians.  On  the  contrary,  it  appears  that  he 
took  the  earliest  measures  to  provide  arms,  munitions,  and 
provisions  for  his  forces,  who  were  found  almost  wholly 
destitute  ;  and  as  soon  as  arms  could  be  put  into  the  hands 
of  the  volunteers,  they  were,  in  succession,  detached  and 
placed  in  positions  to  prevent  the  enemy  from  retiring 


280  TESTIMONY  OF  MANY  WITNESSES. 

upon  Florida,  whence  they  could  move  against  the  main 
body  of  the  enemy,  as  soon  as  equipped  for  offensive  op 
erations.-  • 

"  From  the  testimony  of  the  Governor  of  Georgia,  of 
Major-General  Sanford,  commander  of  the  Georgia  volun 
teers,  and  many  other  witnesses  of  high  rank  and  stand 
ing  who  were  acquainted  with  the. topography  of  the  coun 
try,  and  the  position  and  strength  of  the  enemy,  the  court 
is  of  opinion  that  the  plan  of  campaign  adopted  by  Gen 
eral  Scott  was  well  calculated  to  lead  to  successful  results, 
and  that  it  was  prosecuted  by  him,  as  far  as  practicable, 
with  zeal  and  ability,  until  recalled  from  the  command." 

Such  was  the  strong  testimony  which  the  court  and  the 
witnesses  bore  to  General  Scott's  zealous  and  judicious 
arrangements  in  the  campaigns  of  the  south.  At  this  time, 
looking  back  upon  the  events  of  those  campaigns,  with  a 
clearer  vision  than  could  then  be  fixed  on  a  cotemporane- 
ous  field  of  action,  the  truth  and  the  justice  of  this  judi 
cial  opinion  are  both  manifest  and  demonstrable. 

In  the  year  1837,  when  the  House  of  Representatives 
was  engaged  in  one  of  those  debates  on  various  and  mis 
cellaneous  topics,  which  grow  out  of  the  management  of 
public  affairs,  the  bill  before  the  House  being  one  con 
taining  an  appropriation  for  the  Florida  war,  the  Hon. 
Richard  Biddle,  of  Pennsylvania,  took  occasion  to  speak 
of  General  Scott,  in  connection  with  the  Florida  cam 
paigns.  His  speech  was  able,  eloquent,  and  effective. 
He  reviewed  all  the  circumstances  of  the  war  in  Florida, 
and  particularly  the  part  General  Scott  had  taken  in  those 
events.  As  a  specimen  of  the  eloquence  of  Congress, 
as  well  as  an  apt  commentary  on  the  subject  of  this  his 
tory,  we  record  some  portions  of  Mr.  Biddle's  speech. 


THE  STAIN  ON  OUR  ARMS  WIPED  AWAY.  281 

Mr.  Biddle  said  : — 

"  It  would  be  recollected  by  all,  that  after  the  war  in 
Florida  had  assumed  a  formidable  aspect,  Major-General 
Scott  was  called  to  the  command.  An  officer  of  his  rank 
and  standing  was  not  likely  to  seek  a  service  in  which, 
amidst  infinite  toil  and  vexation,  there  would  be  no  oppor 
tunity  for  the  display  of  military  talent  on  a  scale  at  all 
commensurate  with  that  in  which  his  past  fame  had  been 
acquired.  Yet  he  entered  on  it  with  the  alacrity,  zeal,  and 
devotion  to  duty  by  which  he  has  ever  been  distinguished. 

"  And  here  (Mr.  B.  said)  ,he  might  be  permitted  to  ad 
vert  to  the  past  history  of  this  officer. 

"  Sir,  when  the  late  General  Brown,  writing  from  the 
field  of  Chippewa,  said  that  General  Scott  merited  the 
highest  praises  which  a  grateful  country  could  bestow, 
was  there  a  single  bosom  throughout  this  wide  republic 
that  did  not  respond  to  the  sentiment  ?  I  for  one,  at  least, 
can  never  forget  the  thrill  of  enthusiasm,  boy  as  I  then 
was,  which  mingled  with  my  own  devout  thankfulness  to 
God,  that  the  cloud  which  seemed  to  have  settled  on  our 
arms  was  at  length  dispelled.  On  that  plain  it  was  es 
tablished  that  Americans  could  be  trained  to  meet  and  to 
beat,  in  the  open  field,  without  breastworks,  the  regulars 

of  Britain. 

***#***** 

"  Sir,  the  result  of  that  day  was  due  not  merely  to  the 
gallantry  of  General  Scott  upon  the  field.  It  must  in  part 
be  ascribed  to  the  patient,  anxious,  and  indefatigable 
drudgery,  the  consummate  skill  as  a  tactician,  with  which 
he  had  labored,  night  and  day,  at  the  camp  near  Buffalo, 
to  prepare  his  brigade  for  the  career  on  which  it  was  about 
to  enter. 


282  THE  HERO  IN  WAR  AND  AMID  PESTILENCE. 

"  After  a  brief  interval  he  again  led  that  brigade  to  the 
glorious  victory  of  Bridgewater.  He  bears  now  upon  his 
body  the  wounds  of  that  day. 

"  It  had  ever  been  the  characteristic  of  this  officer  to  seek 
the  post  of  danger,  not  to  have  it  thrust  upon  him.  In 
the  years  preceding  that  to  which  I  have  specially  referred 
— in  1812  and  1813 — the  eminent  services  he  rendered 
were  in  positions  which  properly  belonged  to  others,  but 
into  which  he  was  led  by  irrepressible  ardor  and  jealousy 
of  honor. 

"  Since  the  peace  with  Great  Britain,  the  talents  of 
General  Scott  have  ever  been  at  the  command  of  his 
country.  His  pen  and  his  sword  have  alike  been  put  in 
requisition  to  meet  the  varied  exigencies  of  the  service. 

"  When  the  difficulties  with  the  western  Indians  swell 
ed  up  into  importance,  General  Scott  was  dispatched  to 
the  scene  of  hostility.  There  rose  up  before  him  then, 
in  the  ravages  of  a  frightful  pestilence,  a  form  of  danger 
infinitely  more  appalling  than  the  perils  of  the  field.  How 
he  bore  himself  in  this  emergency — how  faithfully  he  be 
came  the  nurse  and  the  physician  of  those  from  whom 
terror  and  loathing  had  driven  all  other  aid,  cannot  be  for 
gotten  by  a  just  and  grateful  country." 

Mr.  Biddle  then  continued  in  a  defence  of  the  conduct 
of  General  Scott  in  the  Florida  and  Alabama  campaigns, 
concluding  with  the  following  eloquent  peroration  : — 

"  Mr.  Chairman,  I  believe  that  a  signal  atonement  to 
Gen.  Scott  will,  one  day,  be  extorted  from  the  justice  of 
this  House.  We  owe  it  to  him ;  but  we  owe  it  still  more 
to  the  country.  What  officer  can  feel  secure  in  the  face 
of  that  great  example  of  triumphant  injustice  ?  Who  can 
place  before  himself  the  anticipation  of  establishing  higher 


THE  PROTECTING  FLAG  OF  OUR  COUNTRY.     283 

claims  upon  the  gratitude  of  the  country  than  General 
Scott  ?  Yet  Tie  was  sacrificed.  His  past  services  went 
for  nothing.  Sir,  you  may  raise  new  regiments,  and  issue 
new  commissions,  but  you  cannot,  without  such  atone 
ment,  restore  the  high  moral  tone  which  befits  the  depos 
itaries  of  the  national  honor.  I  fondly  wish  that  the  high 
est  and  the  lowest  in  the  country's  service  might  be  taught 
to  regard  this  House  as  the  jealous  guardian  of  his  rights, 
against  caprice,  or  favoritism,  or  outrage,  from  whatever 
quarter.  I  would  have  him  know  that,  in  running  up  the 
national  flag,  at  the  very  moment  our  daily  labors  com 
mence,  we  do  not  go  through  an  idle  form.  On  whatever 
distant  service  he  may  be  sent — whether  urging  his  way 
amidst  tumbling  icebergs,  towards  the  pole,  or  fainting  in 
the  unwholesome  heats  of  Florida — I  would  enable  him, 
as  he  looks  up  to  that  flag,  to  gather  hope  and  strength. 
It  should  impart  to  him  a  proud  feeling  of  confidence  and 
security.  He  should  know  that  the  same  emblem  of  ma 
jesty  and  justice  floats  over  the  councils  of  the  nation ; 
and  that  in  its  untarnished  lustre  we  have  all  a  common 
interest  and  a  common  sympathy.  Then,  sir,  and  not  be 
fore;  wiU  you  have  an  army  or  a  navy  worthy  to  sustain 
and  to  perpetuate  the  glory  of  former  days." 

While  such  were  the  sentiments  towards  General  Scott, 
felt  and  uttered  by  men  of  distinguished  intelligence  in  the 
highest  representative  assembly  of  the  people,  there  were 
not  wanting  those  who,  standing  in  the  first  rank  of  citizens, 
and  of  men  of  business,  held  the  same  sentiments,  and 
desired  to  express  towards  him  the  same  high  respect. 

Soon  after  his  entire  exoneration  from  blame  by  the 
court  of  inquiry,  he  received  an  invitation  to  a  public  din 
ner  at  New  York,  tendered  before  his  return  by  a  large 


284    THE  BRAVE  ARE  GENTLE  AND  SYMPATHIZING. 

and  respectable  number  of  people  in  that  city,  from  both 
political  parties.  This  invitation  he  accepted.  It  was, 
however,  afterwards  postponed,  at  his  request,  until  the 
second  Tuesday  of  May,  and  before  the  arrival  of  that  day 
it  was  altogether  declined,  for  reasons  expressed  in  the 
following  note,  addressed  to  the  committee  of  invitation  : 

General  Scott  to  the  New  York  Committee. 

"  GENTLEMEN  : — 

Early  last  month  I  accepted  the  invita 
tion  to  a  public  dinner,  which  you  and  other  friends  did 
me  the  honor  to  tender  me.  In  a  few  days  the  embarrass 
ments  of  this  great  emporium  became  such,  that  I  begged 
the  compliment  might  be  indefinitely  postponed.  You, 
however,  were  so  kind  as  to  hold  me  to  my  engagement, 
and  to  appoint  a  day  for  the  meeting,  which  is  now  near 
at  hand.  In  the  mean  time,  the  difficulties  in  the  com 
mercial  world  have  gone  on  augmenting,  and  many  of  my 
friends,  here  and  elsewhere,  have  been  whelmed  un 
der  the  general  calamity  of  the  times. 

"  Feeling  deeply  for  the  losses  and  anxieties  of  all,  no 
public  honor  could  now  be  enjoyed  by  me.  I  must,  there 
fore,  under  the  circumstances,  positively  but  most  respect 
fully  withdraw  my  acceptance  of  your  invitation.  I  have 
the  honor  to  remain,  gentlemen,  with  the  greatest  esteem, 
your  friend  and  servant, 

"WlNFIELD  SCOTT." 

On  the  reception  of  this  note,  the  subscribers  to  the 
proposed  dinner  held  a  meeting,  the  Hon.  Cornelius  W. 
Lawrence  in  the  chair,  and  unanimously  adopted  the  fol 
lowing  resolutions : — 


ACTION  OF  SCOTT'S  NEIGHBORS  AND  FRIENDS.  285 

"  Resolved,  That  in  the  decision  of  General  Scott  to 
withdraw,  for  the  reasons  assigned,  his  acceptance  of  the 
public  dinner  designed  to  testify  to  him  our  high  appre 
ciation,  both  of  his  private  and  public  character,  we  find 
new  evidence  of  his  sympathy  with  all  that  regards  the 
public  welfare,  and  of  his  habitual  oblivion  of  self,  where 
the  feelings  and  interests  of  others  are  concerned. 

"  Resolved,  That  we  rejoice  with  the  joy  of  friends  in 
the  result,  so  honorable  to  General  Scott,  of  the  recent 
court  of  inquiry,  instituted  to  investigate  his  military  con 
duct  as  commander-in-chief  in  Alabama  and  Florida,  and 
that  the  President  of  the  United  States,  (Mr.  Van  Buren,) 
in  approving  its  proceedings,  acted  in  gratifying  unison 
with  the  general  sentiments  of  the  nation." 

Scott  also  received  similar  invitations  from  the  citizens 
of  Richmond,  Virginia,  and  of  Elizabethtown,  New  Jer 
sey,  places  which  had  been  his  home  at  different  times. 
These  he  respectfully  declined  for  the  same  reasons.  Af 
ter  the  decision  of  the  court  of  inquiry,  General  Scott  ad 
dressed  a  letter  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  (Mr.  Poinsett,) 
claiming  the  immediate  direction  of  the  Florida  war,  on 
the  ground  that  the  theatre  of  operations  constituted  a  part 
of  the  geographical  division  of  which  he  was  the  com 
mander  ;  that  nearly  all  the  troops  of  his  division  were 
ordered  to  Florida,  and  that  he  was  senior  in  rank  to  Gen 
eral  Jesup,  then  commanding  there. 

The  Virginia  representation  in  Congress,  without  any 
agency  of  General  Scott  in  the  matter,  almost  unanimously 
made  an  appeal  to  the  Secretary  in  support  of  that  rea 
sonable  request.  The  "  Richmond  Enquirer,"  ever  a  most 
influential  print  with  the  administration  of  that  day,  also 
backed  this  application  in  the  following  complimentary 


286          EXTRACT  FROM  THE  "  RICHMOND  ENQUIRER." 

terms  : — "  We  should  have  hoped  there  could  be  no  dif 
ficulty  in  granting  it.  General  Scott  ranks  pre-eminently 
high  in  the  confidence  of  the  country  and  of  the  army ; 
and  we  should  presume  that,  in  other  respects,  his  claims 
are  superior  to  those  of  any  other  officer.  The  Secretary 
of  War  is  well  acquainted  with  the  merits  of  General 
Scott,  and  we  should  hope  that  he  will  be  willing  to  as 
sign  him  so  important  a  command,  in  which  all  his  heart 
and  all  his  energies  will  be  powerfully  enlisted." 

The  request  was  not  granted.  Scott  took  no  further 
part  in  the  Florida  campaigns,  which  continued  to  exhaust 
the  treasury,  and  employ  the  ingenuity  of  government  and 
army  for  the  six  following  years,  when  the  war  was  hap 
pily  concluded  by  Brigadier-General  Worth. 


A  REVOLT  BREAKS  OUT  IN  CANADA.        287 


CHAPTER   XVIII. 

1837  TO  1839. 

Troubles  on  the  Niagara  Frontier. — Patriot  Excitement. — Attack  on  the 
Caroline. — General  Scott  ordered  to  the  Niagara. — Is  accompanied  by 
Governor  Marcy. — Scott's  measures. — He  harangues  the  People. — 
Exciting  Adventure  with  the  Barcelona. — He  maintains  Peace. — He  is 
complimented  at  Albany. — Toasts. 

-      '  ,  ;;'  •-:;<;;  ->H,   ^ '^>N.  .' 

IN  the  year  1837,  Canada,  which  had  continued,  in 
spite  of  the  republican  influences  of  the  United  States, 
under  the  government  of  Great  Britain,  became  the  scene 
of  great  political  excitement,  and  of  warm  resistance  to 
the  measures  of  its  administration.  Towards  the  close 
of  that  year  insurgent  movements  broke  out  among  the 
French  population  of  the  lower  province,  and  the  spirit 
of  revolt  was  spread  among  the  disaffected  of  Upper 
Canada.  The  border  population  of  all  nations  take  great 
interest  in  what  occurs  beyond  the  boundary  line,  and  are 
disposed  either  to  invade  or  sympathize  with  their  neigh 
bors,  according  to  the  events  by  which  they  are  excited. 
When,  therefore,  the  flame  of  insurrection  was  kindled  in 
Canada,  it  was  not  arrested  by  a  mere  line  of  jurisdiction. 
It  reached  and  agitated  the  frontier  inhabitants  of  the 
United  States,  along  the  long  border  from  the  hills  of 
Vermont  to  the  Huron  of  the  northwest.  On  this  frontier, 
the  citizens  enrolled  themselves  as  Canada  patriots  or 
sympathizers,  until,  perhaps,  one  fourth  of  all  the  inhabi- 

19 


288  THE  PATRIOTS  OCCUPY  NAVY  ISLAND. 

tants  capable  of  bearing  arms  were  professed  friends  and 
abettors  of  the  Canada  movement.  Itinerant  refugees 
were  seen  everywhere  organizing  their  friends,  with  a 
view  to  descents  upon  the  Canadas.  Thousands  and 
thousands  met  in  lodges  all  along  the  border,  oaths  of  se 
crecy  were  administered,  principal  leaders  appointed, 
generals  and  staff-officers  chosen,  and,  at  least  for  Upper 
Canada,  a  provisional  government  formed.  The  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States  issued  his  proclamation  enjoin 
ing  all  good  citizens  to  observe  the  strictest  neutrality 
towards  the  British  provinces.  It  had  but  little  effect. 

The  arms  in  the  hands  of  the  citizens,  and  even  those 
in  the  state  arsenals  within  reach  of  the  borders,  were 
soon  seized  or  purloined,  thus  affording  equipments  to  the 
American  Canada  patriots.  At  length,  a  Mr.  Van  Rens- 
selaer,1  with  some  hundreds  of  followers,  crossed  from 
Schlosser,  (a  mile  and  a  half  above  Niagara  Falls,)  and 
took  possession  of  Navy  Island,  a  small  uninhabited  spot 
within  the  British  line,  but  nearer  to  our  shore.  At  this 
time  there  could  be  little  hope  of  going  further,  for  the 
only  outbreak  in  the  opposite  province  had  been  crushed 
in  a  moment  by  the  very  people  to  whom  it  was  proposed 
to  give  independence  and  freedom.  At  this  time  also, 
besides  some  regular  troops,  seventeen-twentieths  of  the 
provincial  militia  were  firm  in  their  loyalty,  well  organized, 
well  armed,  and  commanded  by  regular  officers. 

This  idle  invasion,  though  unimportant  to  the  Canadas, 
was  not  without  consequences  in  history.  It  was  followed 


1  This  Mr.  Van  Rensselaer  was  not  of  the  family  of  the  late  distinguished 
General  Stephen  Van  Rensselaer,  the  patroon,  and  at  one  time  member 
of  Congress. 


BURNING  OF  THE  CAROLINE.  289 

by  a  very  serious  incident,  which  excited  deep  feeling  in 
the  United  States,  and  was  the  subject  of  much  diplo 
matic  correspondence. 

Van  Rensselaer.  we  have  said,  was  stationed  with  a 
scanty  and  ill-provided  band  of  forces,  at  Navy  Island, 
Schlosser,  as  above  stated,  was  a  point  on  the  American 
shore  just  opposite.  A  small  steamer  called  the  Caro 
line  was  engaged  by  Van  Rensselaer  to  act  as  a  ferry-boat 
between  these  two  points.  The  very  first  night  the  Caro 
line  commenced  her  voyages  between  these  two  points, 
the  British  fitted  out  an  expedition  from  the  opposite  point, 
Chippewa.  Instead  of  directing  their  attack,  as  they 
might  have  done,  against  Navy  Island,  within  their  own 
territory,  and  which  they  would  probably  have  captured, 
they  chose  to  violate  our  territory,  by  boarding  the  un 
armed  steamer  fastened  to  the  wharf  at  Schlosser.  She 
happened  to  be  full  of  idle  people,  including  boys  uncon 
nected  with  Van  Rensselaer,  who  had  been  attracted  to 
the  frontier  by  the  rumor  of  war,  and  who  had  simply 
begged  a  night's  lodgings.  One  citizen  was  killed,  and 
several  others  wounded.  The  boat  was  cut  loose,  set  on 
fire,  and  sent  over  the  cataract,  as  was  reported,  and  long 
believed  by  many,  with  several  wounded  Americans  on 
board.  When  this  occurred,  a  flame  of  excitement  rose 
up  throughout  the  interior  of  the  United  States.  The 
sentiment  of  patriotism  and  the  feeling  of  revenge  were 
frequently  mingled  together.  Orderly  citizens  seized 
upon  the  arms  nearest  at  hand,  and  flocked  to  the  fron 
tier.  Their  numbers  increased,  and  the  peace  of  this 
country,  and  perhaps  of  all  other  civilized  nations,  was 
threatened,  by  the  act  of  outrage  committed  on  the  Caroline. 

That   vessel  was    destroyed   December   29th,   1837. 


290          SCOTT  AGAIN  ON  THE  NIAGARA. 

The  news  reached  Washington  January  4th.  General 
Scott  happened  to  be  there.  A  cabinet  council  was  called, 
and  Scott  was  told  that  blood  had  been  shed,  and  he  must 
hasten  to  the  frontier.  Full  powers  were  given  him  to 
call  for  militia,  to  put  himself  in  communication  with  the 
United  States  district  attorneys,  marshals,  and  collectors, 
in  order  through  them  to  enforce  the  act  of  neutrality,  the 
good  faith  pledged  to  Great  Britain  by  treaty,  and,  in 
short,  to  defend  our  own  territory,  if  necessary,  against 
invasion,  or  to  maintain  peace  throughout  the  borders. 
No  regular  troops  were  at  hand.  All  had  been  withdrawn 
for  the  Florida  war.  He  had  ordered  up,  in  passing  New 
York,  small  parties  of  unattached  army  recruits,  and  at 
Albany  invited  the  able  and  patriotic  governor  (Marcy)  to 
accompany  him  to  the  Niagara.  The  presence  of  the 
governor  was  highly  valuable  during  the  few  days  that  he 
could  remain.  Being  on  the  spot,  he  was  ready  to  supply 
any  number  of  volunteers,  on  the  requisition  of  Scott,  as 
they  might  be  needed ;  for  it  was  not  known  that  the 
violation  of  our  territory  at  Schlosser  might  not  be  fol 
lowed  up  by  other  outrages  of  the  same  kind. 

All  this  was  quite  a  new  scene  for  Scott.  In  1812  he 
had  appeared  on  the  same  theatre  as  the  leader  of  bat 
talions  and  the  victor  of  battles.  Now,  rhetoric  and 
diplomacy  were  to  be  his  principal  weapons,  his  country 
men  and  friends  the  object  of  conquest,  and  a  little  cor 
respondence  with  the  British  authorities  beyond  the  line, 
as  an  episode  to  the  whole.  Had  Scott  not  been  a  soldier, 
though  he  had  been  the  famed  Athenian  orator,  or  the 
American 

"  Henry,  the  forest-born  Demosthenes, 
Whose  thunders  shook  the  Pliilip  of  the  teat," 


HIS  EFFORTS  TO  PRESERVE  PEACE.        291 

his  entreaties  and  harangues  would  have  been  wholly  lost 
upon  his  hearers.  But  the  memory  of  other  days  gave  for 
him  ant  influence  which  he  would  have  sought  in  vain 
without  it.  The  patriot-warrior  of  1812-13-14  reappear 
ing  near  the  scene  of  his  former  glory,  drew  forth  the  ap 
plause  of  listening  multitudes. 

During  the  winter  of  1838  and  that  of  1838-9,  he  was 
busy  in  exercising  his  influence  for  peace,  and  in  quieting 
our  disturbed  frontier.  This  was  his  employment  for 
many  months  of  the  coldest  season  of  the  year.  The  pa 
triot  movements  were  chiefly  confined  to  the  season  of 
frost,  which,  bridging  with  ice  some  of  the  waters  separa 
ting  the  two  countries,  greatly  favored  descents  upon  Up 
per  Canada.  General  Scott  was  ably  seconded  in  watch 
ing  and  counteracting  those  movements  by  other  distin 
guished  officers.  General  Brady  on  Lake  Erie  and  the 
Detroit  frontier,  General  Worth  (made  General  1842) 
on  the  Niagara,  Lake  Ontario,  and  St.  Lawrence  frontier, 
and  Generals  Wool  and  Eustis  on  the  northern  side  of  New 
York  and  Vermont,  were  active  in  aiding  General  Scott 
in  his  arrangements,  and  pacifying  the  borders.  The 
troops,  both  regulars  and  volunteers,  proved  to  be  steady 
supporters  of  law  and  order,  and  were  held  everywhere 
ready,  as  posses,  at  the  call  of  the  United  States  marshals 
and  collectors.  The  other  officers  mentioned  were  the 
district  commanders. 

Scott  posted  himself  nowhere,  but  was  by  turns  rapidly 
everywhere,  and  always  in  the  midst  of  the  greater  diffi 
culties.  In  these  winter  campaigns  against  the  trespass 
ers  of  the  borders,  he  passed  frequently  along  the  frontier, 
sometimes  on  the  Detroit  and  sometimes  on  the  north  line 
of  Vermont.  His  journeyings  were  made  by  land,  and 


292  SCOTT  ADDRESSES  THE  CITIZENS. 

principally  in  the  night ;  oftentimes  with  the  cold  from  ten 
to  twenty  degrees  below  freezing  point.  Daylight  he 
chiefly  employed  in  organizing  the  means  of  counteraction 
by  an  extensive  correspondence  and  the  labors  of  direct 
pacification.  He  obtained,  and  pressed  upon  district  at 
torneys,  marshals,  and  collectors,  information  of  the  de 
signs  and  movements  of  the  patriots,  and  tendered  to  those 
civil  functionaries  the  aid  of  the  troops.  In  performance 
of  his  duty  as  a  peacemaker,  he  addressed,  on  a  line  of 
eight  hundred  miles,  immense  gatherings  of  citizens,  prin 
cipally  organized  sympathizers,  who  had  their  arms  at 
hand. 

In  these  addresses  he  declaimed  with  fervor,  and  they 
were  often  received  with  the  loud  applause  of  the  audi 
ence.  He  handled  every  topic  which  could  inspire  shame 
in  misdoers,  or  excite  pride  in  the  friends  of  the  govern 
ment  and  country.  His  speeches  were  made  with  popu 
lar  illustrations  and  allusions,  and  addressed  both  to  the 
knowledge  and  the  sentiment  of  the  people.  He  reminded 
them  of  the  nature  of  a  republic,  which  can  have  no  foun 
dation  of  permanency  except  in  the  general  intelligence, 
virtue,  respect,  and  obedience  of  its  people ;  that  if,  in 
the  attempt  to  force  on  our  unwilling  neighbors  inde 
pendence  and  free  institutions,  we  had  first  to  spurn  and 
trample  under  foot  treaty  stipulations  and  laws  made  by 
our  own  representatives,  we  should  greatly  hazard  free 
institutions  at  home  in  the  confidence  and  respect  of  our 
own  people ;  that  no  government  can  or  ought  to  exist  for 
a  moment  after  losing  the  power  of  executing  its  obliga 
tions  to  foreign  countries,  and  of  enforcing  its  own  laws 
at  home  ;  that  that  power  depended  in  a  republic  chiefly 
on  the  people  themselves ;  that  we  had  a  treaty  with  Eng- 


TREATIES  BINDING  ON  EACH  CITIZEN.  293 

land,  binding  us  to  the  strictest  observance  of  amity,  or 
all  the  duties  of  good  neighborhood  with  adjoining  prov 
inces,  and  also  an  act  of  Congress  for  enforcing  those  sol 
emn  obligations  ;  that  the  treaty  and  the  laws  were  as  bind 
ing  on  the  honor  and  the  conscience  of  every  American 
freeman,  as  if  he  had  specially  voted  for  each ;  that  this 
doctrine  was  of  the  very  essence  of  a  civilized  republic, 
as  the  neglect  of  it  could  not  fail  to  sink  us  into  anarchy, 
barbarism,  and  universal  contempt ;  that  an  aggressive 
war,  waged  by  a  part  of  the  community,  without  just  cause 
and  without  preparation,  as  is  common  among  barbarian 
tribes,  necessarily  drags  the  non-consenting  many  along 
with  the  madness  of  the  few,  involving  all  alike  in  crime, 
disaster,  and  disgrace  ;  that  a  war,  to  be  successful,  must 
be  very  differently  commenced  ;  and  in  these  addresses  he 
would  often  conclude  : — "  Fellow-citizens, — and  I  thank 
God,  we  have  a  common  government  as  well  as  a  common 
origin, — I  stand  before  you  without  troops  and  without 
arms,  save  the  blade  J>y  my  side.  I  am,  therefore,  within 
your  power.  Some  of  you  have  known  me  in  other 
scenes,  and  all  of  you  know  that  I  am  ready  to  do  what 
my  country  and  what  duty  demands.  I  tell  you,  then, 
except  it  be  over  my  body,  you  shall  not  pass  this  line — 
you  shall  not  embark." 

To  the  inquiry  everywhere  heard,  "But  what  say  you 
of  the  burning  of  the  Caroline,  and  the  murder  of  citizens 
at  our  own  shore  ?" 

In  reply  to  these  questions,  General  Scott  always  frank 
ly  admitted  that  these  acts  constituted  a  national  outrage, 
and  that  they  called  for  explanation  and  satisfaction  ;  but 
that  this  whole  subject  was  in  the  hands  of  the  President, 
the  official  organ  of  the  country,  specially  chosen  by  the 


294          EFFECTS  OF  SCOTT'S  ADDRESSES. 

people  for  national  purposes  ;  that  there  was  no  doubt  the 
President  would  make  the  proper  demand,  and  failing  to 
obtain  satisfaction,  would  lay  the  whole  matter  before 
Congress — the  representative  of  the  public  will,  and  next 
to  the  people,  the  tribunal  before  which  the  ultimate  appeal 
must  be  made. 

•  These  harangues  were  applauded,  and  were  generally 
very  successful.  Masses  of  patriots  broke  off  and  return 
ed  to  their  respective  homes,  declaring,  that  if  Scott  had 
been  accompanied  by  an  army  they  would  not  have  lis 
tened,  but  persevered.  The  friends  of  order  were  also 
encouraged  to  come  out  in  support  of  authority,  and  at 
length  peace  and  quiet  were  restored.  In  the  mean  while, 
one  of  those  incidents  occurred  which  make  history  dra 
matic,  and  which  illustrate  how  much  depends  on  indi 
vidual  men  and  single  events.  Many  days  after  the 
destruction  of  the  "  Caroline,"  another  steamer,  the  "Bar 
celona,"  was  cut  out  of  the  ice  in  Buffalo  harbor,  (January, 
1 838,)  and  taken  down  the  Niagara  river,  to  be  offered, 
as  was  known,  to  the  patriots,  who  were  still  on  Navy 
Island.1  Scott  wished  to  compel  them  to  abandon  .their 
criminal  enterprise.  He  also  desired  to  have  them,  on 
returning  within  our  jurisdiction,  arrested  by  the  marshal, 
who  was  always  with  him.  For  this  purpose,  he  sent  an 
agent  to  hire  the  Barcelona  for  the  service  of  the  United 
States,  before  the  patriots  could  get  the  means  to  pay  for 
her,  or  find  sureties  to  indemnify  the  owners  in  case  of 
capture  or  destruction  by  the  British.  He  succeeded  in 
a.l  these  objects.  The  Barcelona  proceeded  back  to  Buf 
falo,  where  Scott  had  immediate  use  for  her  on  Lake 

1  53  Niles's  Register,  337. 


THE  BARCELONA  COMES  UP  THE  RIVER.  295 

Erie,  yet  navigable  in  all  its  length.  The  authorities  on 
the  Canada  side  were  on  the  alert  to  destroy  her. 

As  the  Barcelona  slowly  ascended  against  the  current 
on  our  side  of  Grand  Island,  (belonging  to  the  United 
States,)  three  armed  British  schooners,  besides  batteries 
on  the  land,  were  in  positions,  as  the  day  before,  to  sink 
her  as  she  came  out  from  behind  that  island.  On  the 
16th  of  January,  Scott  and  Governor  Marcy  stood  on 
the  American  shore  opposite  that  point,  watching  events. 
The  smoke  of  the  approaching  boat  could  be  seen  in 
the  distance,  and  the  purpose  of  the  British  was  per 
fectly  evident  in  all  their  movements.  The  batteries 
on  our  side  were  promptly  put  in  position.  The  matches 
were  lighted.  All  was  ready  to  return  the  British  fire.  There 
was  a  crisis  ! 

The  day  before  this,  when  it  was  supposed  the  Navy 
Island  people  were  coming  up  the  same  channel  in  other 
craft,  and  before  it  was  known  that  the  Barcelona  had 
accepted  his  offered  engagement,  Scott  wrote  on  his 
knee,  and  dispatched  by  an  aid-de-camp,  the  following 
note.  . 

"To  the  Commanding  Officer  of  the  Armed  British  Vessels 
in  the  Niagara. 

"  Head-quarters,  Eastern  Division  U.  ~\ 
S.  Army,  two  miles  below  Black  > 
Rock,  January  15th,  1838.  ) 

"  Sir— 

With  his  Excellency  the  Governor  of  New  York, 
who  has  troops  at  hand,1  we  are  here  to  enforce  the  neu- 

1  These  men  were,  in  strictness,  not  yet  under  Scott's  command,  simply 


296  THE  CANNON  LOADED  AND  POINTED, 

trality  of  the  United  States,  and  to  protect  our  own  soil 
or  waters  from  violation.  The  proper  civil  officers  are 
also  present  to  arrest,  if  practicable,  the  leaders  of  the 
expedition  on  foot  against  Upper  Canada. 

"Under  these  circumstances,  it  gives  me  pain  to  per 
ceive  the  armed  vessels,  mentioned,  anchored  in  our  waters, 
with  the  probable  intention  to  fire  upon  that  expedition 
moving  in  the  same  waters. 

"  Unless  the  expedition  should  first  attack — in  which 
case  we  shall  interfere — we  shall  be  obliged  to  consider  a 
discharge  of  shot  or  shell  from  or  into  our  waters,  from 
the  armed  schooners  of  her  Majesty,  as  an  act  seriously 
compromiting  the  neutrality  of  the  two  nations.  I  hope, 
therefore,  that  no  such  unpleasant  incident  may  occur. 
"  I  have  the  honor  to  remain,  &c.,  &c. 

"WlNFIELD  SCOTT." 

The  same  intimation  was  repeated  and  explained  the 
next  morning,  January  16th,  to  a  captain  of  the  British 
army,  who  had  occasion  to  wait  upon  Scott  on  other 
business,  and  who  immediately  returned.  It  was  just 
then  that  the  Barcelona  moved  up  the  current  of  the 
Niagara.  The  cannon  on  either  shore  were  pointed,  the 
matches  lighted,  and  thousands  stood  in  suspense.  On 
the  jutting  pier  of  Black  Rock,  in  view  of  all,  stood  the 
tall  form  of  Scott,  in  full  uniform,  watching  the  approach 
ing  boat.  On  Scott's  note  and  his  personal  assurances, 
alone  depended  the  question  of  PEACE  or  WAR.  Happily, 
these  assurances  had  their  just  effect.  The  Barcelona 

from  the  want  of  time  to  muster  them  into  the  service  of  the  United 
States — a  ceremony  of  some  hours. 


AND  THEREFORE  PEACE  IS  PRESERVED.  297 

passed  along.  The  British  did  not  fire.  The  matches 
were  extinguished ;  the  two  nations,  guided  by  wise 
counsels,  resumed  their  usual  way ;  and  war's  wild  alarms 
were  hushed  into  the  whispers  of  peace. 

Small  a  place  as  this  incident  may  occupy  in  history,  it 
was  a  critical  moment  in  the  affairs  of  nations.  Had  one 
British  gun  been  fired,  and  much  more  had  the  Barcelona 
been  destroyed,  no  authority  or  influence  would  have  re 
strained  our  excited  population.  We  should  probably 
have  had  an  unpremedited  war,  one  of  those  calamities 
which  nations  have  to  endure  for  their  sins,  and  which  is 
without  the  consoling  and  self-supporting  consciousness 
of  a  great  moral  right.  It  would  have  been  war  from  an 
incident,  and  not  a  national  controversy. 

War  may  be  justified  on  moral  grounds,  when  the 
thing  in  dispute  is  of  small  physical  magnitude,  but  there 
must  be  a  question  of  right  at  the  bottom.  Such  was  the 
case  when  Scott,  on  this  same  Niagara  frontier,  had,  by 
glorious  achievement,  mingled  his  fame  with  the  eternal 
voices  of  its  cataract.  Then,  he  was  contending  for  those 
rights  of  man  and  of  citizenship  without  which  a  nation 
could  neither  be  independent,  nor  respect  itself,  nor  be 
respected  by  the  nations  of  the  earth.  Now,  the  dictate 
of  right  was  peace,  a  peace  which  should  leave  the  people 
of  Great  Britain  and  its  colonies  to  settle  their  own  do 
mestic  government  in  their  own  way,  while  our  citizens 
were  left  undisturbed  in  their  rights,  and  our  shores  un 
touched  by  the  hand  of  aggression.1 

1  It  should  be  mentioned,  that  the  Patriots  had  evacuated  Navy  Island  on 
the  15th  inst.,  and  had  landed  in  their  small  craft  eleven  miles  below,  where 
Van  Rensselaer  and  his  associates  were  immediately  arrested,  as  Scott 
kad  said  they  should  be,  in  his  note  written  a  few  hours  before  the  arrests. 


298  THE  SOLDIER  AND  THE  SCHOLAR. 

Soon  after  this  time,  General  Scott  passed  through 
Albany,  when  the  legislature  was  in  session,  and  received 
the  attentions  of  a  large  number  of  public  men  and  other 
citizens,  without  distinction  of  party.  A  public  supper 
was  given  him,  principally  by  members  of  the  legislature, 
at  which  the  lieutenant-governor  presided,  and  Governor 
Marcy  was  a  guest.  All  vied  in  expressions  of  respect 
for,  and  confidence  in,  the  gallant  officer  whom  they  had 
assembled  to  welcome  to  the  capital. 

Among  the  toasts  given  on  this  occasion,  may  be  cited 
the  following,  as  characteristic  of  the  prevailing  tone 
and  spirit — 

"  WINFIELD  SCOTT — not  less  the  scholar  than  the 
soldier,  whose  pen  and  sword  have  been  wielded  with 
equal  skill  in  the  defence  of  his  country." 

"  THE  SOLDIER — who  has  ever  made  the  law  of  the 
land  his  supreme  rule  of  action,  and  who,  while  he  has 
always  fulfilled  its  utmost  requirements,  has  never,  in  a 
single  instance,  transcended  its  limits." 

"  OUR  GUEST — the  invincible  champion  of  our  rights, 
the  triumphant  vindicator  of  our  laws." 

A  similar  entertainment  was  given  on  the  following 
evening  at  another  hotel,  the  Honorable  Gulian  C.  Ver- 
planck  presiding. 

The  feelings  and  confidence  of  his  fellow-citizens  were 
thus,  in  various  ways  and  in  numerous  quarters,  mani 
fested  towards  the  man  who  was  not  merely  a  soldier, 
nor  only  a  leader,  but  who  was  the  servant  of  the  laws, 
the  faithful  citizen,  and  the  pacificator  of  troubled  com 
munities. 


POSSESSIONS  OF  THE  CHEROKEES.  299 


CHAPTER   XIX. 

1838. 

Cherokee  Controversy. — Measures  for  Removal. — General  Scott  ordered 
to  command  the  Troops. — His  Arrangements. — General  Order. — Ad 
dress  to  the  Indians. — Enrolment  for  Removal. — Indian  Encampment. 
— Scott's  humane  Care. — He  is  ordered  again  to  the  North. — Reflec 
tions. — Dr.  Channing's  Eulogy. 

FOR  more  than  ten  years,  extending  from  1828  to  1838, 
a  controversy  was  maintained,  in  various  forms,  between 
the  state  of  Georgia  and  the  Cherokee  tribe  of  Indians, 
most  of  whom  were  residents  of  Georgia,  and  between 
the  United  States  and  each  of  those  parties.  The  sub 
ject  of  this  controversy  was  the  lands  belonging  to  the 
Cherokees  in  the  state  of  Georgia.  As  the  white  settle 
ments  advanced,  the  Indians  were  gradually  enclosed. 
They  had  become  cultivators  of  the  soil.  They  held 
good  farms.  They  had  a  yet  greater  attraction,  in  the 
discovery  of  gold  within  their  territory — that  shining  ob 
ject,  which  had  added  new  energy  to  the  enterprise  of 
settling  the  Western  World,  when  as  yet  the  ocean  was 
a  trackless  waste,  and  the  land  an  unsubdued  wild.  It  is 
not  surprising  that  these  attractions  were  enough  to  allure 
the  desires  of  the  whites,  and  occasion  efforts  to  drive  the 
Indians  from  their  lands.  The  only  question  was  the 
justice  of  the  means  used  to  attain  the  end. 


300  RELATIONS  OF  THE  INDIANS. 

The  civil  relations  of  the  Cherokees  with  the  United 
States,  and  with  Georgia,  were  not  a  little  complicated ; 
so  that,  in  fact,  each  party  to  the  controversy  maintained 
some  shadow  of  right.  In  the  opinion  of  Chief  Justice 
Marshall,  delivered  in  the  case  of  S.  A.  Worcester  versus 
the  State  of  Georgia,1  the  relations  which  the  Indian 
tribes  bear  to  the  United  States  are  fully  stated. 

"  Their  relation,"  says  the  chief  justice,  "  is  that  of  a 
nation  claiming  and  receiving  the  protection  of  one  more 
powerful ;  not  that  of  individuals  abandoning  their  na 
tional  character  and  submitting,  as  subjects  to  the  laws 
of  a  master." 

Speaking  of  the  acts  of  Congress  to  regulate  trade  and 
intercourse  with  the  Indians,  he  says,  "  All  these  acts, 
and  especially  that  of  1802,  which  is  still  in  force,  mani 
festly  consider  the  several  Indian  nations  as  distinct  politi 
cal  communities,  having  territorial  boundaries  within 
which  their  authority  is  exclusive,  and  having  a  right  to 
all  the  lands  within  those  boundaries,  which  is  not  only 
acknowledged  but  guarantied  by  the  United  States." 

The  relation  of  the  Indians  to  the  United  States  was 
that  of  pupillage  and  guardianship,  the  guardian  having 
acknowledged  the  separate  existence,  distinct  character, 
and  positive  rights  of  the  pupil. 

In  pursuance  of  this  relationship,  the  United  States  had 
made  repeated  treaties  of  alliance  and  friendship  with  the 
Cherokees,  acknowledging  their  rights,  and  offering  en 
couragements  for  their  civilization. 

One  of  these  treaties  contained  the  following  stipula 
tions.2 

1 42  Niles's  Register,  41 .  »  35  Niles,  292. 


EXTRACTS  FROM  A  TREATY.  301 

"  Art.  7.  The  United  States  solemnly  guaranty  to  the 
Cherokee  nation,  all  their  lands  not  hereby  ceded." 

"  Art.  14.  That  the  Cherokee  nation  may  be  led  to  a 
greater  degree  of  civilization,  and  to  become  herdsmen  and 
cultivators,  instead  of  remaining  in  a  state  of  hunting,  the 
United  States  will,  from  time  to  time,  furnish  gratuitously 
the  said  nation  with  useful  implements  of  husbandry,  &c." 

Under  this  encouragement  the  Cherokees  did  become 
"  herdsmen  and  cultivators  ;"  and  they  are  yet  by  far  the 
most  educated  and  civilized  of  any  aboriginal  tribe. 

These  were  the  rights  which  the  Cherokees  could 
claim  of  the  United  States,  and  the  United  States  had 
guarantied  to  them.  The  position  of  Georgia,  however, 
was  very  different.  'Georgia,  by  virtue  of  her  municipal 
sovereignty  as  one  of  the  States  of  the  Union,  claimed  a 
right  to  extend  her  criminal  jurisdiction  over  the  Indians, 
and  claimed  also  that  the  general  government  was  bound 
to  extinguish  the  Indian  title  to  lands  within  her  territory. 
Accordingly,  in  April,  1802,  the  United  States  entered 
into  a  compact  with  Georgia,  that  the  general  government 
would  purchase  the  lands  of  the  Indians,  and  remove 
them  as  soon  as  this  could  be  peaceably  accomplished. 
Georgia,  then,  did  not  acknowledge  that  any  duties  were 
due  from  her  to  the  Cherokees,  while  she  claimed  from 
the  United  States  the  vacation  of  the  Indian  lands  and 
claims.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Cherokees  replied,  that 
it  was  no  matter  what  claims,  real  or  imaginary,  Georgia 
might  have  on  the  United  States,  she  had  none  upon 
them ;  that  they  had  a  right  to  their  lands,  and  that  the 
United  States  were  bound  by  the  faith  of  treaties  to  respect 
those  rights.  The  refusal  of  the  Indians  to  sell  their  lands, 
and  the  impossibility  of  satisfying  Georgia  without  extin- 


302         THE  CHEROKEES  MUST  REMOVE. 

guishing  the  Indian  title,  prolonged  the  controversy 
through  many  years,  and  finally  resulted  in  an  unsatis 
factory  treaty,  and  a  forcible  removal  of  the  Indians. 

During  this  controversy,  a  plan  was  formed  for  the  set 
tlement  of  the  Indians  on  lands  beyond  the  Mississippi, 
where  it  was  supposed  they  would  be  undisturbed  by  the 
contact  or  the  competition  of  the  whites.  In  pursuance 
of  this  plan,  a  treaty  was  at  length  concluded  with  a  por 
tion  of  the  Cherokee  chiefs,  and  a  partial  ratification  ob 
tained.  It  was  claimed  to  be  legal,  although  controverted 
and  alleged  to  be  fraudulent  by  a  portion  of  the  Cherokee 
nation.  The  United  States,  however,  proceeded  to  en 
force  it,  and  the  Indians  were,  at  length,  compelled  to 
yield  to  what  seemed  an  inevitable  destiny. 

On  the  10th  of  April,  1838,  General  Scott  received 
orders  to  take  the  command  of  the  troops  dispatched  to 
the  Cherokee  country,  and  to  assume  the  general  direc 
tion  of  affairs  in  that  quarter.  Having  concerted  meas 
ures  with  the  war  department  for  the  removal  of  the 
Cherokees,  and  for  the  protection  of  the  neighboring  citi 
zens,  he  entered  upon  his  painful  field  of  labor  with  that 
conscientiousness,  and  that  high  regard  to  duty,  which 
forms  a  distinguished  characteristic  of  his  public  as  well 
as  private  acts. 

Indeed,  to  remove  against  their  general  will  a  large 
body  of  Indians,  some  of  whom  were  wealthy,  and  most 
of  whom  were  partially  civilized  and  Christianized,  and 
all  tillers  of  their  own  lands  under  a  guarantee  that  their 
rights  should  not  be  disturbed,  was  a  painful  and  trying 
duty.  That  God  might  enable  him  so  to  perform  this  ser 
vice  that  its  hard  requirements  should  be  tempered  with 
mercy,  was  now  his  frequent  prayer. 


ARRANGEMENTS  OF  COLONEL  LINDSAY.  303 

According  to  the  terms  of  the  treaty  of  1835,  the  Cher- 
okees  occupying  portions  of  Georgia,  Alabama,  North 
Carolina,  and  Tennessee,  were  obliged  to  emigrate,  at  this 
time,  to  lands  allotted  them  by  the  United  States,  on  the 
Arkansas  River.  Of  this  tribe  there  were  yet  left  (some 
had  previously  emigrated)  about  fifteen  thousand,  cling 
ing  to  their  ancient  homes  and  to  the  graves  of  their  fa 
thers.  These  it  was  the  duty  of  General  Scott  to  remove  ; 
and  his  orders  were  to  effect  it  peaceably  if  he  could,  but 
forcibly  if  he  must.  Several  regiments  of  troops  were 
placed  at  his  command,  and  authority  given  him  to  call 
upon  the  governors  of  the  neighboring  States1  for  all  the 
forces  which  would  be  required. 

On  the  10th  of  May  he  issued  an  address  to  the  Cher 
okee  nation,  having,  two  days  before,  reached  the  Cher 
okee  agency  in  Tennessee.  There  he  found  Colonel 
Lindsay,  an  old  and  valued  friend,  in  command.  The  ju 
dicious  arrangements  which  had  already  been  commenced 
by  Lindsay,  received  high  praise  from  Scott.  Posts  had 
been  established  in  important  settlements  of  the  Chero- 
kees,  and  the  principal  mountain-passes  were  well  guard 
ed.  It  was  at  this  place  he  issued  his  address,  which  was 
circulated  in  handbills,  and  with  it  an  address  to  the 
troops.  From  the  last,  which  was  a  general  order,  we 
extract  here  enough,  separated  from  military  detail,  to 
show  the  caution,  care,  discretion,  and  humanity,  which 
Scott  enjoined  upon  the  troops,  and  the  pains  he  took  to 
prevent  any  untoward  accident,  or  any  acts  of  unnecessary 
severity  or  cruelty : — 

1  54  Niles's  Register,  129. 
20 


304   THE  TROOPS  URGED  TO  BE  GENTLE  AND  KIND. 

'•  Head  Quarters,  Eastern  Division,  i 
Cherokee  Agency,  May  17th,  1838.  \ 

"  Considering  the  number  and  temper  of  the  mass  to  be 
removed,  together  with  the  extent  and  fastnesses  of  the 
country  occupied,  it  will  readily  occur  that  simple  indis 
cretions,  acts  of  harshness,  and  cruelty  on  the  part  of  our 
troops,  may  lead,  step  by  step,  to  delays,  to  impatience, 
and  exasperation,  and,  in  the  end,  to  a  general  war  and  car 
nage  ;  a  result,  in  the  case  of  these  particular  Indians,  ut 
terly  abhorrent  to  the  generous  sympathies  of  the  whole 
American  people.  Every  possible  kindness,  compatible 
with  the  necessity  of  removal,  must,  therefore,  be  shown 
by  the  troops  ;  and  if,  in  the  ranks,  a  despicable  individ 
ual  should  be  found  capable  of  inflicting  a  wanton  injury 
or  insult  on  any  Cherokee  man,  woman,  or  child,  it  is 
hereby  made  the  special  duty  of  the  nearest  good  officer 
or  man  instantly  to  interpose,  and  to  seize  and  consign  the 
guilty  wretch  to  the  severest  penalty  of  the  laws.  The 
major-general  is  fully  persuaded  that  this  injunction  will 
not  be  neglected  by  the  brave  men  under  his  command, 
who  cannot  be  otherwise  than  jealous  of  their  own  honor 
and  that  of  their  country. 

"  By  early  and  persevering  acts  of  kindness  and  hu 
manity,  it  is  impossible  to  doubt  that  the  Indians  may  soon 
be  induced  to  confide  in  the  army,  and,  instead  of  fleeing 
to  mountains  and  forests,  flock  to  us  for  food  and  clothing. 
If,  however,  through  false  apprehensions,  individuals,  or 
a  party  here  and  there,  should  seek  to  hide  themselves, 
they  must  be  pursued  and  invited  to  surrender,  but  not 
fired  upon,  unless  they  should  make  a  stand  to  resist. 
Even  in  such  cases,  mild  remedies  may  sometimes  better 
succeed  than  violence  ;  and  it  cannot  be  doubted,  if  we 


DIRECTIONS  FOR  THE  REMOVAL  OF  THE  SICK.         305 

get  possession  of  the  women  and  children  first,  or  first  cap 
ture  the  men,  that,  in  either  case,  the  outstanding  mem 
bers  of  the  same  families  will  readily  come  in  on  the  as 
surance  of  forgiveness  and  kind  treatment. 

"  Every  captured  man,  as  well  as  all  who  surrender 
themselves,  must  be  disarmed,  with  the  assurance  that 
their  weapons  will  be  carefully  preserved  and  restored  at, 
or  beyond  the  Mississippi.  In  either  case,  the  men  will 
be  guarded  and  escorted,  except  it  may  be  where  their 
women  and  children  are  safely  secured  as  hostages  ;  but, 
in  general,  families  in  our  possession  will  not  be  separated, 
unless  it  be  to  send  men,  as  runners,  to  invite  others  to 
come  in. 

"  It  may  happen  that  Indians  will  be  found  too  sick,  in 
the  opinion  of  the  nearest  surgeon,  to  be  removed  to  one 
of  the  depots  indicated  above.  In  every  such  case,  one 
or  more  of  the  family  or  the  friends  of  the  sick  person 
will  be  left  in  attendance,  with  ample  subsistence  and 
remedies,  and  the  remainder  of  the  family  removed  by  the 
troops.  Infants,  superannuated  persons,  lunatics,  and 
women  in  helpless  condition,  will  all,  in  the  removal,  re 
quire  peculiar  attention,  which  the  brave  and  humane  will 
seek  to  adapt  to  the  necessities  of  the  several  cases."1 

This  address,  the  reader  observes,  is  characterized  by 
humanity,  kindness,  and  a  careful  regard  to  the  well-being 
and  safety  of  the  Indians. 

The  Address  to  the  Cherokees  was  as  follows — 

1  Executive  Documents,  No.  453,  2d  session,  25th  Congress. 


306  ADDRESS  TO  THE  CHEROKEES. 


"  MAJOR-GENERAL  SCOTT,  of  the  United  States 
Army,  sends  to  the  Cherokee  people  remaining  in  North 
Carolina,  Georgia,  Tennessee,  and  Alabama,  this 

ADDRESS. 

"  Cherokees — The  President  of  the  United  States  has 
sent  me,  with  a  powerful  army,  to  cause  you,  in  obedi 
ence  to  the  treaty  of  1835,  to  join  that  part  of  your  people 
who  are  already  established  in  prosperity  on  the  other  side 
of  the  Mississippi.  Unhappily,  the  two  years  which  were 
allowed  for  the  purpose,  you  have  suffered  to  pass  away 
without  following,  and  without  making  any  preparation  to 
follow,  and  now,  or  by  the  time  that  this  solemn  address 
shall  reach  your  distant  settlements,  the  emigration  must 
be  commenced  in  haste,  but,  I  hope,  without  disorder.  I 
have  no  power,  by  granting  a  farther  delay,  to  correct  the 
error  that  you  have  committed.  The  full  moon  of  May  is 
already  on  the  wane,  and  before  another  shall  have  passed 
away,  every  Cherokee  man,  woman,  and  child,  in  those 
states,  must  be  in  motion  to  join  their  brethren  in  the  far 
West. 

"  My  friends — This  is  no  sudden  determination  on  the 
part  of  the  President,  whom  you  and  I  must  now  obey. 
By  the  treaty,  the  emigration  was  to  have  been  completed 
on  or  before  the  23d  of  this  month,  and  the  President  has 
constantly  kept  you  warned,  during  the  two  years  allowed, 
through  all  his  officers  and  agents  in  this  country,  that 
the  treaty  would  be  enforced. 

"  I  am  come  to  carry  out  that  determination.  My 
troops  already  occupy  many  positions  in  the  country  that 


A  WARRIOR  TO  WARRIORS.  307 

you  are  to  abandon,  and  thousands  and  thousands  are  ap 
proaching  from  every  quarter,  to  render  resistance  and 
escape  alike  hopeless.  All  those  troops,  regular  and 
militia,  are  your  friends.  Receive  them  and  confide  in 
them  as  such.  Obey  them  when  they  tell  you  that  you 
can  remain  no  longer  in  this  country.  Soldiers  are  as 
kind-hearted  as  brave,  and  the  desire  of  every  one  of  us 
is  to  execute  our  painful  duty  in  mercy.  We  are  com 
manded  by  the  President  to  act  towards  you  in  that  spirit, 
and  such  is  also  the  wish  of  the  whole  people  of  America. 

"  Chiefs,  head  men,  and  warriors — Will  you  then,  by 
resistance,  compel  us  to  resort  to  arms  ?  God  forbid  ! 
Or  will  you,  by  flight,  seek  to  hide  yourselves  in  moun 
tains  and  forests,  and  thus  oblige  us  to  hunt  you  down  ? 
Remember  that,  in  pursuit,  it  may  be  impossible  to  avoid 
conflicts.  The  blood  of  the  white  man,  or  the  blood  of 
the  red  man,  may  be  spilt,  and  if  spilt,  however  acciden 
tally,  it  may  be  impossible  for  the  discreet  and  humane 
among  you,  or  among  us,  to  prevent  a  general  war  and 
carnage.  Think  of  this,  my  Cherokee  brethren  !  I  am 
an  old  warrior,  and  have  been  present  at  many  a  scene 
of  slaughter  ;  but  spare  me,  I  beseech  you,  the  horror  of 
witnessing  the  destruction  of  the  Cherokees. 

"  Do  not,  I  invite  you,  even  wait  for  the  close  approach 
of  the  troops  ;  but  make  such  preparations  for  emigration 
as  you  can,  and  hasten  to  this  place,  to  Ross's  Landing, 
or  to  Gunter's  Landing,  where  you  will  all  be  received  in 
kindness  by  officers  selected  for  the  purpose.  You  will 
find  food  for  all,  and  clothing  for  the  destitute,  at  either 
of  those  places,  and  thence  at  your  ease,  and  in  comfort, 
be  transported  to  your  new  homes  according  to  the  terms 
of  the  treaty. 


308        THE  REMOVAL  BEGINS  IN  GEORGIA. 

"  This  is  the  address  of  a  warrior  to  warriors.  May 
his  entreaties  be  kindly  received,  and  may  the  God  of 
both  prosper  the  Americans  and  Cherokees,  and  preserve 
them  long  in  peace  and  friendship  with  each  other. 

"  WINFIELD  SCOTT." 

To  show  unity  of  sentiment  and  purpose,  the  printed 
order  and  address  went  together  to  soldiers  and  Indians. 

Several  families  immediately  enrolled  themselves  for 
voluntary  emigration ;  and  but  for  the  rapid  circulation, 
at  this  time,  of  a  report  that  the  Cherokee  delegation,  still 
at  Washington,  would  succeed  in  obtaining  a  modification 
of  the  treaty,  Scott's  most  anxious  desire  to  effect  the 
removal  voluntarily  and  at  once,  might  have  been  realized. 
They  believed  that  the  power  and  influence  of  their  dele 
gation  would  be  sufficient  to  accomplish  that  object,  and 
therefore  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  the  entreaties  and  advice  of 
Scott,  who  was,  in  fact,  their  friend.  He  had  deemed  it 
humane,  by  the  strength  of  numbers  and  measures,  to 
make  resistance  hopeless.  He  had  therefore  spread  his 
troops  rapidly,  and  soon  informed  the  superintendent  of 
removal,  a  civil  officer,  that  the  Indians  from  Georgia 
would  be  sent  in  by  the  end  of  June,  and  from  the  other 
states  by  the  end  of  July. 

The  collection  was  commenced  in  Georgia,  May  26, 
under  the  eye  of  Scott.  The  Indians  were  brought  into 
the  military  posts,  where  they  were  amply  provided  for. 
Thence  they  were  escorted  to  emigrating  depots  as  rapidly 
as  was  consistent  with  the  collection  of  their  personal 
effects,  their  health,  and  comfort.  By  the  middle  of  June 
the  operations  in  Georgia  had  been  so  nearly  completed, 
that  orders  were  issued  for  the  honorable  discharge  of  the 


IT  CONTINUES  IN  THE  OTHER  STATES.  309 

troops  of  that  state.  In  Scott's  order,1  high  praise  was 
bestowed  on  Brigadier-General  Charles  Floyd  and  the 
troops  under  his  command,  who  were  all  of  Georgia,  for 
the  handsome  and  humane  manner  in  which  their  duties 
were  performed. 

Scott  hoping  that  the  Cherokees  in  North  Carolina, 
Tennessee,  and  Alabama,  might  be  encouraged  to  enroll 
themselves  voluntarily,  by  the  kind  treatment  shown  to 
their  brethren  in  Georgia,  now  sent  Indian  runners,  who 
tendered  their  services,  to  those  distant  settlements  ;  and 
in  the  mean  time  suspended  further  collections  to  the 
20th  of  June.  On  the  morning  of  the  13th,  those  Indians 
were  found  by  the  troops  as  entirely  unprepared  as  the 
Georgian  Cherokees  had  been  ;  yet,  at  the  end  of  ten 
days,  all  but  a  few  stragglers  in  the  mountains  were 
brought  in,  with  their  personal  property.  The  volunteers 
were  discharged  before  the  15th  of  July,  and  as  rapidly  as 
arrangements  could  be  made  for  their  being  mustered,  and 
paid,  except  a  single  company,  retained  a  little  longer  for 
special  service.  More  than  a  million  of  dollars  was  saved 
by  the  rapidity  of  these  movements  and  discharges.  With 
the  exception  of  a  few  principal  families,  allowed  to  re 
main  at  their  comfortable  homes  until  called  for,  and  some 
stragglers  in  the  mountains,  the  whole  body  of  the  Chero 
kee  nation  had  been  collected  for  emigration  before  the 
middle  of  July,  and  without  shedding  one  drop  of  blood. 
They  were  not  without  arms  and  fastnesses,  nor  without 
courage  for  the  defence  of  their  native  homes.  They 
were  conquered  by  skilful  movements,  and  yet  more  by 
generous  kindness.  All  the  volunteers,  like  the  regulars, 

1  54  Niles's  Register,  324. 


310  A  DROUGHT  DRIES  UP  THE  RIVERS. 

had  caught  the  spirit  of  Scott's  addresses  and  orders.  It 
was  a  pleasant  and  edifying  scene  to  see  officers  and  men 
everywhere  giving  ready  aid,  in  every  difficulty  and  dis 
tress,  to  the  helplessness  of  age  and  infancy.  Tears  were 
doubtless  shed,  and  not  alone  by  the  Indian  race. 

Scott's  business  up  to  this  date  had  been  simply  mili 
tary.  To  bring  in  the  Indians,  and  to  turn  them  over 
with  guards,  if  needed,  to  the  civil  agent  for  Cherokee 
emigration,  was  the  only  duty  assigned  him  by  the 
government.  That  agent  had  already  put  in  motion  some 
three  thousand  for  their  Western  destination.  But  now, 
the  Hiwassee,  the  Tennessee,  and  the  Arkansas  rivers 
had  ceased  to  be  navigable.  A  drought  which  had  com 
menced  in  June,  and  which  lasted  to  October,  had  already 
become  distressing.  In  the  next  ten  days,  drinking-water 
for  men  and  horses  near  the  land  route  of  emigration  was 
not  to  be  found,  except  at  intervals  of  ten,  or  more  fre 
quently,  of  thirty  miles.  Scott,  from  humanity,  and  at 
the  instance  of  the  Cherokees,  took  upon  himself  to  stop 
the  emigration  until  the  return  of  the  cool  and  healthy 
season.  That  determination  was  subsequently  approved 
at  Washington. 

All  the  principal  Indians  were  first  called  to  head 
quarters.  Scott  spoke  of  the  drought,  staled  his  wish  to 
suspend  the  movement  to  the  West,  the  expense  of  de 
lay,  the  extreme  inconvenience  to  himself  of  remaining 
with  them  till  autumn,  the  want  also  of  the  regular  troops 
elsewhere,  and  the  fear  that  their  people  might  break  and 
dispterse,  if  not  kept  within  the  chain  of  posts  and  senti 
nels.  Every  chief  instantly  agreed  to  sign  a  solemn 
pledge,  not  only  for  himself  but  for  his  family  and  friends ; 
not  only  to  prevent  dispersion,  but  to  send  runners  of  their 


THE  REMOVAL  TEMPORARILY  POSTPONED.  311 

own,  to  bring  in  the  stragglers  and  those  concealed,  who 
still  remained  out.  This  written  pledge  was  kept  in  good 
faith. 

Scott  immediately  sent  off  three  regiments  of  regulars 
to  the  Canada  frontiers  and  Florida,  where  he  knew  they 
were  much  needed.  The  other  two  were  retained  more 
to  aid  and  protect  than  to  guard  the  Indians. 

The  Cherokees  were  now  distributed  into  three  large 
camps  ;  the  principal,  twelve  miles  by  four,  on  high  and 
rolling  ground,  on  the  Hiwassee,  well  shaded  and  abound 
ing  in  springs  and  flowing  rivulets.  All  necessary  supplies 
were  abundant  and  good,  including  medicines ;  vaccina 
tion  was  introduced  by  the  personal  influence  of  Scott 
against  the  general  prejudice  j1  dram-shops  were  put  under 
the  guard  of  troops,  to  prevent  the  sale  of  liquors ;  and 
numerous  Indian  superiors  were  appointed  to  visit  every 
family  daily,  and  to  report  on  their  wants.  All  worked 
well.  Scott  established  himself  for  long  months  at  the 
agency,  in  the  midst  of  the  principal  camp,  charged  with 
innumerable  labors  and  cares  for  the  good  of  his  pupils  ; 
for  such  they  were,  both  by  the  relation  they  sustained  to 
the  United  States,  and  the  watching  and  instruction  he 
gave  them. 

The  delegation,  with  Ross  the  principal  chief,  returned 
from  Washington  in  July,  when  Scott  received  authority 
from  the  war  department  to  transfer,  by  negotiation,  the 
further  emigration  from  the  civil  agent  to  the  Cherokees 


1  The  reader  will  recollect  what  desolation  has  been  brought  on 
several  tribes  of  Indians  in  the  West,  by  their  refusal  to  be  vaccinated- 
The  service  rendered  to  the  Cherokees  in  this  single  particular,  was  in 
valuable. 


312      THE  LAST  OF  THE  CHEROKEES  DEPART. 

themselves.  The  proposition  was  submitted  to  the  nation, 
and  adopted  with  joy.  The  same  delegates  were  appoint 
ed  to  arrange  the  general  terms  with  Scott.  The  cost  of 
the  movement,  as  in  the  previous  arrangement,  was  to  be 
paid  out  of  the  five  millions1  of  dollars  stipulated  by  the 
United  States  to  be  given  in  exchange  with  the  new 
country  West,  for  the  one  inhabited  by  the  Cherokees  in 
the  East. 

To  Scott,  the  sum  to  be  paid  per  capita,  for  the  remo 
val,  as  proposed  by  the  delegates,  appeared  much  too 
high.  The  subject  was  referred  back  to  the  general 
council  of  the  Cherokees,  the  largest  they  had  ever  held, 
who  approved  the  new  terms  proposed  to  Scott.  The 
same  authority  appointed  a  purveyor  of  supplies  on  the 
route,  and  the  delegates  specially  charged  with  that  duty 
proceeded  to  enroll  their  people  into  convenient  parties 
for  the  road,  with  a  conductor,  sub-conductor,  and  phy 
sician,  for  each,  to  collect  wagons,  horses,  and  every  thing 
necessary  for  the  movement,  as  soon  as  the  season  and 
rain  might  permit. 

Here  was  a  wonderful  change.  A  few  months  before, 
seven-tenths  of  the  Cherokees  threatened  to  die  in  defence 
of  their  ancient  homes.  Now  the  only  contest  among  the 
chiefs  and  parties  was — who  shall  first  take  the  road  to 
the  far  West.  All  were  eager  to  lead  or  to  follow. 

At  length  October  came,  with  some  slight  showers  of 
rain,  and  by  the  16th  of  November  the  last  detachment 


1  The  compensation  allowed  the  Cherokees  was  not  an  insufficient  one. 
They  were  allowed  the  value  of  their  improvements,  their  expenses,  and 
a  new  country,  which  in  natural  advantages  may  be  deemed  superior  to 
the  other. 


SCOTT  HASTENS  TO  THE  NORTH.  313 

was  in  motion.  The  sick  and  helpless  only  were  left  to 
proceed  by  steam  on  the  rise  of  the  rivers. 

Scott  followed  the  line  of  emigration  to  Nashville,  in 
order  to  help  and  cheer  on  the  movement.  He  had  in 
tended  to  proceed  farther ;  but  an  express  overtook  him 
from  Washington,  with  dispatches,  saying  that  the  Patriots 
were  reorganized  to  the  number  of  eighty  thousand,  and 
were  getting  ready  to  break  into  the  Canadas  at  many 
points.  He  instantly  departed  in  that  direction.  Stopping 
nowhere  to  accept  the  public  honors  tendered  him,  he 
arrived  at  Cleveland  and  Detroit  at  critical  moments. 
Thence  he  passed  down  the  frontier  into  Vermont,  and 
completed  the  work  we  have  described  in  the  preceding 
chapter.  He  re-established  peace,  law,  and  order  all 
along  the  disturbed  frontier  of  Canada. 

In  all  this  he  had  moved  with  almost  the  swift  flight  of  the 
birds,  and  his  work  was  completed  in  the  brief  space  of 
their  summer  excursions.  In  this  short  season  had 
Scott  performed  the  work  of  Cherokee  emigration,  and 
returned  to  new  and  arduous  labors  in  an  opposite  region 
and  a  very  different  climate.  Such  sudden  changes,  and 
such  rude  exposures,  are  the  soldier's  lot  in  pursuit  of  duty 
and  in  obedience  to  his  country. 

In  this  brief  story  we  have  narrated  the  manner  in  which 
the  Cherokees — fifteen  thousand  in  number — were  car 
ried  from  the  homes  of  their  fathers  and  the  graves  of  their 
dead.  That  they  left  them  in  sadness,  and  looked  to  the 
uncertain  future  with  dread  and  dark  foreboding,  none 
can  doubt.  However  adventurous,  far-searching,  or  cu 
rious  may  be  the  human  mind  when  voluntarily  pursuing 
its  own  objects,  it  cannot  be  forced  -from  its  ancient  asso 
ciations,  without,  like  the  uptorn  tree,  breaking  its  deepest 


314   THE  PARTING  FROM  THE  HOME  OF  CHILDHOOD. 

roots,  snapping  its  tendrils,  and  blighting  its  softest  ver 
dure.  This  is  a  shock,  too,  which  is  felt  the  most  in  the 
most  secluded  retreats  of  the  family.  It  touches  the 
hearts  which  have  grown  in  the  shade,  where  few  rays 
from  the  glaring  light  of  the  world  have  ever  fallen.  It 
would  not  be  difficult  to  imagine  some  Indian  woman,  and 
perhaps  an  aged  one,  stopping  alone  by  the  rippling  stream 
to  hear  the  murmur  of  waters  she  should  hear  no  more — 
to  break  a  twig  from  trees  whose  shade  she  should  enjoy 
no  longer — to  linger  round  the  lonely  mound,  which  was 
henceforth  to  be  the  only  memorial  of  her  race — to  cast 
one  last  look  on  the  summits  of  hills,  to  which,  with  the 
friends  of  her  youth,  she  had  often  gazed  in  the  glowing 
sunsets  of  summer.  They  fade  now  in  the  shades  of  even 
ing,  and  she  heaves  the  last  sigh,  drops  her  last  tear,  and 
hills,  and  woods,  and  murmuring  streams,  live  for  her 
only  in  the  memory  of  the  exile  ! 

The  remaining  years  of  her  life  she  spends  in  strange 
scenes,  and  looking  intensely  into  the  future,  hopes,  per 
haps,  for 

"  Some  safer  world  in  depths  of  woods  embraced, 
Some  happier  island  in  the  watery  waste, 
Where  slaves  once  more  their  native  land  behold, 
No  fiends  torment,  no  Christians  thirst  for  gold." 

Such  scenes  as  these  may  be  easily  imagined,  and  it  is 
scarcely  possible  they  should  not  have  occurred  in  any 
nation,  savage  or  civilized,  on  leaving  their  native  land. 
The  question,  however,  remains,  whether,  in  the  plans  of 
Providence,  and  their  merciful  development,  the  policy 
of  the  United  States  towards  the  Cherokees  has  not  really 
been  the  true  policy,  and  its  effect  for  their  ultimate  good  ? 
It  is  certain  that  they  have  received  a  rich  and  valuable 


THE  COUNTRY  AND  PROGRESS  OF  THE  INDIANS.      315 

territory,  where,  on  the  waters  of  the  Arkansas,  they  yet 
cultivate  lands — where  they  have  organized  a  civil  govern 
ment,  and  where  they  appear  still  to  advance  in  numbers 
and  prosperity.  Should  this  continue  to  be  their  history, 
may  they  not  hereafter  become  a  State  of  aboriginal  in 
habitants,  in  a  condition  of  civilization  and  Christianity  ? 
If  this  should  happily  be  the  case,  the  Cherokee  State 
will  be  a  monument  enduring  through  after  ages  of  that 
wild  and  singular  race,  who  seemed  the  children  of  the 
forest,  defying  the  scrutiny  of  philosophy,  and  shunning 
the  gaze  of  civilized  man.  The  lone  mound  will  not  be 
their  only  memorial,  nor  tradition  their  only  story.  They 
will  live  to  enjoy  the  fruits  of  legal  liberty,  to  extend  the 
dominion  of  the  arts,  to  rest  in  the  shade  of  peace  ;  and, 
no  longer  hunters  and  warriors,  adorn  the  realms  of  sci 
ence,  religion,  and  philosophy. 

But  whatever  may  be  thought  of  the  act  or  the  result 
of  removing  the  Indians,  no  one  can  doubt  that  the  part 
Scott  had  in  that  business  was  performed  with  a  skill,  a 
humanity,  and  a  forbearance  worthy  of  much  admiration. 

In  the  National  Intelligencer  of  that  time  there  ap 
peared  an  article  from  a  responsible  writer,  describing  the 
character  of  Scott's  acts,  narrated  in  this  and  the  previous 
chapter.1  From  that  we  take  the  following  extract,  as  just 
as  it  is  historically  true  : — 

"  The  manner  in  which  this  gallant  officer  has  acquitted 
himself  within  the  last  year  upon  our  Canada  frontier,  and 
lately  among  the  Cherokees,  has  excited  the  universal 
admiration  and  gratitude  of  the  whole  nation.  Owing  to 
his  great  popularity  in  the  North,  his  thorough  knowledge 

1  National  Intelligencer,  September  27th,  1838. 


316        AN  ACCOUNT  OF  RECENT  EVENTS. 

of  the  laws  of  his  own  country,  as  well  as  those  which 
govern  nations,  united  to  his  discretion,  his  great  tact  and 
experience,  he  has  saved  the  country  from  a  ruinous  war 
with  Great  Britain.  And  by  his  masterly  skill  and  energy 
among  the  Cherokees,  united  to  his  noble  generosity  and 
humanity,  he  has  not  only  effected  what  everybody  sup 
posed  could  not  be  done  without  the  most  heart-rending 
scenes  of  butchery  and  bloodshed,  but  he  has  effected  it 
by  obtaining  the  esteem  and  confidence  of  the  poor  Cher 
okees  themselves.  They  look  upon  him  as  a  benefactor 
and  friend,  and  one  who  has  saved  them  from  entire  de 
struction. 

"  All  the  Cherokees  were  collected  for  emigration  with 
out  bloodshed  or  violence,  and  all  would  have  been  on 
their  way  to  the  West  before  the  middle  of  July,  had  not 
humanity  induced  Gen.  Scott  to  stop  the  movement  until 
the  1st  of  September.  Three  thousand  had  been  sent  off 
in  the  first  half  of  June  by  the  superintendent,  before  the 
general  took  upon  himself  the  responsibility  of  stopping 
the  emigration,  from  feelings  which  must  do  everlasting 
honor  to  his  heart. 

"  An  approval  of  his  course  had  been  sent  on  by  the 
War  Department  before  his  report,  giving  information  that 
he  had  stopped  the  emigration,  had  reached  the  seat  of 
government. 

"  In  the  early  part  of  January  last,  the  President  asked 
Congress  for  enlarged  powers,  to  enable  him  to  maintain 
our  neutral  obligations  to  England  ;  that  is,  to  tranquillize 
the  Canadian  frontiers. 

"  Before  the  bill  passed  Congress,  Gen.  Scott  had  fin 
ished  the  work,  and  effected  all  its  objects.  These,  too,  he 
effected  by  flying  from  one  end  of  the  frontier  to  the  other 


THE  GLORY  OF  A  PACIFICATOR.  317 

in  the  dead  of  winter,  and  during  the  severest  and  coldest 
period  of  it. 

"  He  returns  to  Washington,  and  is  immediately  or 
dered  to  the  Cherokee  nation,  to  take  charge  of  the  very 
difficult  and  hazardous  task  to  his  own  fame  of  removing 
those  savages  from  their  native  land.  Some  of  his  best 
friends  regretted,  most  sincerely,  that  he  had  been  ordered 
on  this  service  ;  and,  knowing  the  disposition  of  the  world 
to  cavil  and  complain  without  cause,  had  great  apprehen 
sions  that  he  would  lose  a  portion  of  the  popularity  he  had 
acquired  by  his  distinguished  success  on  the  Canadian  fron 
tier.  But,  behold  the  manner  in  which  this  last  work  has 
been  performed  !  There  is  so  much  of  noble  generosity 
of  character  about  Scott,  independent  of  his  skill  and 
bravery  as  a  soldier,  that  his  life  has  really  been  one  of 
romantic  beauty  and  interest." 

The  truth  of  this  picture  may  be  judged  by  the  facts 
of  this  history.  But  whatever  opinion  may  be  formed  on 
that  point,  there  have  been  men  of  the  most  eminent  in 
telligence,  themselves  disinterested  and  capable  of  judg 
ing,  who  have  formed  the  same  estimate  of  the  character 
and  acts  of  Scott.  We  subjoin  the  following  testimony 
of  the  Rev.  DOCTOR  CHANNING,  in  a  work  published  in 
Boston : 

"  To  this  distinguished  man  belongs  the  rare  honor  of 
uniting  with  military  energy  and  daring,  the  spirit  of  a 
philanthropist.  His  exploits  in  the  field,  which  placed 
him  in  the  first  rank  of  our  soldiers,  have  been  obscured 
by  the  purer  and  more  lasting  glory  of  a  pacificator,  and 
of  a  friend  of  mankind.  In  the  whole  history  of  the  in 
tercourse  of  civilized  with  barbarous  or  half-civilized  com 
munities,  we  doubt  whether  a  brighter  page  can  be  found 


318      TRUTH  MORE  SUCCESSFUL  THAN  POLICY. 

than  that  which  records  his  agency  in  the  removal  of  the 
Cherokees.  As  far  as  the  wrongs  done  to  this  race  can 
be  atoned  for,  General  Scott  has  made  the  expiation. 

"  In  his  recent  mission  to  the  disturbed  borders  of  our 
country,  he  has  succeeded,  not  so  much  by  policy  as  by 
the  nobleness  and  generosity  of  his  character,  by  moral 
influences,  by  the  earnest  conviction  with  which  he  has 
enforced  on  all  with  whom  he  has  had  to  do,  the  obliga 
tions  of  patriotism,  justice,  humanity,  and  religion.  It 
would  not  be  easy  to  find  among  us  a  man  who  has  won 
a  purer  fame  ;  and  I  am  happy  to  offer  this  tribute,  be 
cause  I  would  do  something,  no  matter  how  little,  to 
hasten  the  time,  when  the  spirit  of  Christian  humanity 
shall  be  accounted  an  essential  attribute  and  the  brightest 
ornament  of  a  public  man." 


THE  "DISPUTED  TERRITORY."  319 


CHAPTER    XX. 

1839. 

Scott  again  on  the  Northern  Frontier. — Maine  Boundary  Question. — Its 
Origin. — Scott's  Reception  by  Governor  Everett. — Proceedings  of  the 
State  of  Maine. — Scott's  Arrival  and  Reception  at  Augusta. — Remarks 
in  Congress  on  the  anticipation  of  War. — Mr.  Van  Buren's  Message. — 
The  "  Memorandum." — Effect  of  the  "  Memorandum"  in  Maine. — 
Governor  Fairfield's  Message. — Resolutions  of  the  Legislature. — Former 
Friendship  of  Scott  and  Harvey. — Interesting  Anecdote. — Correspond 
ence  of  Scott  and  Harvey. — Scott's  "  Memorandum." — Termination  of> 
the  Difficulties. — Treaty  made  by  Daniel  Webster. 

FROM  the  land  of  the  Cherokees  and  the  scene  of 
their  exile,  General  Scott  hastened  back  to  that  northern 
frontier,  which  had  so  nearly  become  the  theatre  of  war. 
He  again  visited  and  tranquillized  the  Canadian  borders, 
from  Detroit  along  nearly  the  whole  line  to  Northern 
Vermont.  Here  he  learned  that  hostile  movements  were 
on  foot  on  both  sides  of  what  was  then  known  as  the 
DISPUTED  TERRITORY.  This  was  a  territory  on  the  bor 
ders  of  the  State  of  Maine,  the  boundaries  of  which  the 
United  States  and  Great  Britain  had  not  been  able  exactly 
to  ascertain,  so  as  to  determine  satisfactorily  the  line  be 
tween  the  two  nations. 

The  territory  between  the  two  lines  claimed  by  each 
party  respectively  as  the  true  line,  was  the  territory  known 
as  the  "disputed"  district.  On  one  side  of  this  district 
lay  New  Brunswick,  a  British  province,  and  on  the  other 
the  State  of  Maine.  The  governors  and  authorities  of 

21 


320  MILITARY  POSTS  ESTABLISHED. 

each  of  these  States  were  jealous  of  their  respective  rights, 
and  felt  impelled  to  aid  the  settlement  of  their  own  citi 
zens,  and  resist  what  they  called  the  encroachments  of  the 
other  side.  Trespassers  on  both  sides  continued  in  some 
form  to  occupy  some  parts  of  the  country,  especially  for 
the  purpose  of  cutting  timber.  Both  the  British  and  the 
Americans  then  established  military  posts,  and  in  fine,  by 
a  succession  of  claims  and  counter  claims,  aggressions  and 
defences  from  either  side,  naturally  and  necessarily  arising 
out  of  an  uncertain  boundary,  and  an  unsettled  territory, 
to  which  there  was  an  undetermined  ownership,  there 
came  complicated  border  difficulties,  and  extreme  danger 
of  hostile  collision. 

Hearing  of  these  difficulties  and  of  this  danger,  and 
fearing  that  letters  to  him  might  be  misdirected  in  conse 
quence  of  the  rapidity  of  his  movements,  Scott  hastened 
immediately  to  Washington.  He  presented  himself  at  the 
War  Department  a  day  and  a  half  in  advance  of  the  mail 
from  the  Canada  line. 

The  condition  of  affairs,  on  his  arrival,  was  perilous 
to  the  peace,  not  merely  of  this  country  or  of  Great  Brit 
ain,  but  of  the  civilized  world  ;  for  it  can  hardly  be  sup 
posed  that  the  two  greatest  commercial  nations  of  the 
world  could  come  in  conflict  on  every  sea,  and  in  almost 
every  port  of  the  globe,  and  yet  not  involve  other  nations, 
or  that  war  would  cease  with  the  cessation  of  the  imme 
diate  cause.  The  passion  for  war  is  contagious.  The 
bystanders  in  the  play  of  battles  feel  an  instinctive  im 
pulse  to  share  in  the  action.  Their  reason  and  their  con 
science  can  hardly  restrain  them  from  feeling,  and  even 
believing,  that  their  interest,  their  honor,  or  their  fame 
requires  that  they  also  should  enter  the  arena  of  a  bloody 


A  BILL  PASSED  IN  HASTE.  321 

ambition,  pursuing  the  rewards  of  conquest  or  the  glory 
of  victories.  Hence  it  is  that  a  war  between  leading  na 
tions,  especially  between  the  new  and  old  systems  of  gov 
ernment,  would,  reasoning  from  experience  and  probabili 
ties,  result  in  one  of  those  general  and  long-continued 
seasons  of  bloodshed,  revolutions,  and  conquests,  which 
have  so  often  impoverished  the  substance,  and  corrupted 
the  morals  of  nations. 

When  Scott  arrived  at  Washington,  such  a  crisis  seem 
ed  to  be  tangibly  and  visibly  present.  The  President  of 
the  United  States,  Mr.  Van  Buren,  just  then  announced 
to  Congress,  by  special  message,  that  "  the  peace  of  the 
two  nations  is  daily  and  imminently  endangered."  The 
President  also  said,  that  in  a  certain  event,  he  should  feel 
himself  bound  to  call  out  the  militia  to  repel  invasion,  and 
he  invited  from  Congress  such  action  as  it  deemed  expe 
dient.  So  extraordinary  was  the  danger,  that  Congress 
adopted  extraordinary  measures.  In  five  days,  an  act  was 
passed  authorizing  the  President,  if  he  deemed  best,  to 
•call  out  the  militia  for  six  months,  to  accept,  if  necessary, 
the  services  of  fifty  thousand  volunteers  ;  and  appropria 
ting  ten  millions  of  dollars  for  these  objects. 

Scott  having  arrived  at  Washington,  had  interviews  with 
the  President,  with  the  Secretaries  of  State  and  War,  and 
with  the  committees  in  Congress  on  foreign  and  military 
affairs.  He  assisted  in  drawing  and  urging  the  bills  to  put 
at  the  disposition  of  the  Executive  fifty  thousand  volun 
teers,  and  ten  millions  of  dollars  to  meet  exigencies.1  This 

1  This  act  bore  all  the  impress  of  an  expectation  of  an  instant  war.  It 
was  taken  up  on  the  26th  of  February,  1839,  signed  and  approved  March 
3d,  1839.  It  passed  the  Senate  by  a  unanimous  vote,  notwithstanding  the 
great  power  it  placed  in  the  hands  of  the  President. 


322      SCOTT'S  MEETING  WITH  GOVERNOR  EVERETT. 

being  done,  he  immediately  departed,  and  reached  Au 
gusta,  the  seat  of  government  in  Maine,  in  about  eight 
days  after  his  arrival  at  Washington.  It  turned  out 
that  had  he  been  three  days  later,  he  would  have  found  a 
war  made  to  his  hands. 

Passing  through  Boston,  and  having  official  business 
with  Governor  Everett,  of  Massachusetts,  he  repaired  to 
the  state-house,  where  that  accomplished  officer  and 
scholar  addressed  him  in  substance  as  follows  : — 

"  GENERAL  : — 

"  I  take  great  pleasure  in  introducing  you  to  the  mem 
bers  of  the  Executive  Council  of  Massachusetts  ;  I  need 
not  say  that  you  are  already  known  to  them  by  reputation. 
They  are  familiar  with  your  fame  as  it  is  recorded  in  some 
of  the  arduous  and  honorable  fields  of  the  country's  strug 
gles.  We  rejoice  in  meeting  you  on  this  occasion,  charged 
as  you  are  with  a  most  momentous  mission  by  the  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States.  We  are  sure  you  are  intrusted 
with  a  duty  most  grateful  to  your  feelings — that  of  avert 
ing  an  appeal  to  arms.  We  place  unlimited  reliance  on 
^your  spirit,  energy,  and  discretion.  Should  you  unhappily 
fail  in  your  efforts,  under  the  instructions  of  the  President, 
to  restore  harmony,  we  know  that  you  are  equally  pre 
pared  for  a  still  more  responsible  duty.  Should  that  event 
unhappily  occur,  I  beg  you  to  depend  on  the  firm  support 
of  the  Commonwealth  of  Massachusetts." 

To  this  address,  the  general  replied  in  a  manner  suita 
ble  to  the  place  and  the  subject ;  and  concluded  with  as 
suring  the  governor  and  council  that  the  executive  of  the 
United  States  had  full  reliance  on  the  patriotism  and  pub 
lic  spirit  of  Massachusetts,  to  meet  any  emergency  which 
might  arise. 


RESPONSIBILITY  OP  MILITARY  OFFICERS.  323 

Scott  had  been  called  to  the  Maine  border  to  avert  a 
threatened  war.  This  crisis  had  been  brought  about  by 
a  long  series  of  acts,  disagreements,  and  events,  connected 
with  the  Maine  boundary.  How  this  difficulty  arose,  and 
what  discussions  and  events  grew  out  of  it,  may  be  learned 
by  a  perusal  of  the  American  State  Papers,  especially  in 
the  History  of  the  American  Diplomacy.  In  searching, 
however,  for  the  materials  to  ascertain  and  describe  the 
part  Scott  performed  in  this  critical  affair,  and  one  with 
which  it  was  certain  and  admitted  he  had  much  to  do,  but 
little  will  be  found  in  the  official  documents  of  the  gov 
ernment.  The  President's  message  and  accompanying 
reports,  in  December,  1839,  omitted  any  account  of  his 
connection  with  the  preservation  of  peace,  and  the  settle 
ment  of  the  pending  and  instant  threatenings  of  war  ;  per 
haps  because  it  was  thought  that  the  transactions  of  a 
military  commander  were  a  matter  of  course,  and  not  to 
be  deemed  part  of  the  diplomatic  arrangements  by  which 
such  questions  have  finally  to  be  determined.  This,  how 
ever,  is  a  mistake.  The  questions  of  peace  or  war  have 
much  oftener  depended  on  the  conduct  of  military  officers 
on  the  frontiers,  than  they  have  on  any  negotiations.1  In 
the  history  already  given,  in  a  previous  chapter,  of  Scott's 
conduct  on  the  Canada  frontier,  and  his  efforts  for  peace, 
it  is  most  evident,  that  had  either  the  British  or  the  Amer 
ican  military  commanders  preferred  war,  and  been  uncon- 


1  Suppose  a  frontier  officer  were,  on  some  slight  or  imaginary  cause,  to 
make  a  dash  into  the  territory  of  a  neighboring  nation.  He  would  be  re 
sisted  ;  blood  would  be  shed.  The  border  population  would  be  excited,  and 
it  would  be  almost  impossible  for  any  negotiation  to  remedy  the  evil.  This 
was  partially  the  fact  in  the  case  of  the  "  Caroline  ;"  and  it  was  only  by 
the  greatest  efforts  that  peac»  was  then  preserved. 


324          PEACE  DEPENDING  UPON  THE  COMMANDERS. 

scientious  as  to  the  means,  war  must  have  inevitably  hap 
pened.1  Blood  would  have  been  shed,  the  patriots  would 
have  moved  in  masses,  and  the  people  and  governments 
would  have  followed  them.  The  efforts  of  the  military 
commander  were  here  far  more  potent  than  any  negotia 
tions. 

The  War  Secretary's  report  should,  at  least,  have  no 
ticed  these  events,  tending  more  than  any  other  events  of 
the  year  to  show  that  military  men  had  something  beyond 
and  above  the  mere  qualities  of  a  soldier;  and  that  to  these 
superior  capacities  of  mind  the  war  department  had  been 
indebted  for  some  of  the  best  acts  for  the  peaceful  as  well 
as  martial  glory  of  the  country.2 

Early  in  the  winter  preceding  the  period  of  which  we 
now  speak,  the  State  of  Maine  had  sent  a  land-agent, 

1  It  was  somewhere  stated  that  Sir  Allen  McNab,  then  commanding  on 
the  Canada  shore,  said,  after  the  adventure  of  the  Barcelona,  that  the  Brit 
ish  officer  had  mistaken  his  orders  in  not  firing  on  the  Barcelona.    But  sup 
pose  he  had  fired,  the  American  cannon  would  have  answered  ;  the  war 
would  have  been  commenced,  and  the  people  would  have  continued  it. 
Canada  would  have  been  invaded,  and  no  one  can  tell  what  might  have 
been  the  result. 

2  In  the  General  Regulations  for  the  Army,  drawn  up  by  Scott  in  1825, 
is  this  paragraph,  which  proves  his  own  sense  of  justice  in  this  respect: — 

"  As  reports  and  orders,  relative  to  battles  and  other  military  operations, 
constitute,  in  the  case  of  subordinates,  the  foundations  of  military  fame,  and 
that  fame  the  principal  reward  of  merit,  too  much  care  cannot  be  observed 
by,"  &c.  &c.,  before  offering  names  "  to  the  notice  of  government,  and 
the  admiration  of  the  country."  He  then  gives  rules  for  collecting  the 
principal  facts,  in  order  that  reports,  &c.,  may  be  made  with  impartiality 
and  fidelity,  in  execution  of  that  "  high  and  delicate  trust." 
Official  reports  have  sometimes  made  strange  mistakes. 

"  Thrice  happy  he  whose  name  has  been  well  spelt 
In  the  dispatch  : — I  knew  a  man  whose  loss 
Was  printed  Grove,  although  his  name  was  Grose." 


CORRESPONDENCE  OF  THE  GOVERNORS.  325 

accompanied  by  an  armed  civil  posse,  to  drive  off  from 
the  disputed  territory  certain  trespassers,  whom  she  al 
leged  were  cutting  the  timber,  which  gave  the  chief  value 
to  this  cold  and  not  very  fertile  territory.  The  land-agent, 
and  head  of  this  posse,  was  seized  by  the  authorities  of 
New  Brunswick,  and  carried  off  to  prison  in  that  province. 
This  act  aroused  the  indignation  of  Maine.  A  spirited 
correspondence  was  carried  on  between  the  governor  of 
the  state  and  the  governor  of  the  province,  which  was  un 
satisfactory  to  both  of  them,  and  finally  resulted  in  cool 
ness  and  silence.  The  land-agent,  however,  was  soon 
released  ;  but  to  carry  out  her  purpose  of  driving  off  the 
trespassers,  Maine  passed  an  act  placing  eight  thousand 
volunteers  and  eight  hundred  thousand  dollars  at  the 
command  of  the  governor.  Some  of  these  troops  were 
pushed  forward  in  February;  and  in  the  beginning 
of  March  the  whole  force,  under  a  universal  excite 
ment,  was  in  motion  to  conquer,  if  necessary,  and  to 
hold  by  arms,  the  long-withheld  territory.  The  other 
side  remained  neither  ignorant  nor  inactive.  The  governor 
of  New  Brunswick  was  Sir  John  Harvey,  a  major-general, 
distinguished  in  the  field  and  in  the  administration  of  civil 
affairs — a  man  of  ability  and  of  high  character.  He  had 
received,  some  time  before,  instructions  from  his  govern 
ment  to  meet  the  case  long  apprehended,  and  now  about 
to  occur.  All  correspondence  on  the  part  of  the  two  govern 
ors  had  ceased,  and  British  troops,  both  regulars  and  militia, 
were  now  in  march  for  the  theatre  of  impending  hostilities. 
It  was  just  at  this  time  (6th  of  March)  that  Scott  ar 
rived  at  Augusta,  the  seat  of  government  in  Maine.  He 
had  passed,  on  the  way,  many  of  the  fine  volunteers  of 
Maine.  They  were  eager  for  the  contest.  The  Legis- 


326  DEBATES  IN  CONGRESS. 

lature  was  in  session,  and  it  was  thought  and  believed  by 
many  that  he  had  come  to  put  himself  at  the  head  of  the 
movement,  and  to  open  the  war.  No  person  seemed  to 
imagine  that  the  preservation  of  peace  was  more  than  a 
distant  possibility.  This  impression  was  common  to 
nearly  all  the  people  of  the  Union,  and  was  attended  by 
all  the  hopes,  fears,  and  anxieties  which  are  excited  by 
the  prospect  of  so  momentous  an  event. 

As  evidence  of  this  fact,  some  passages  of  the  debates 
in  Congress  may  be  cited.  Mr.  Caleb  Gushing,  of  Mas 
sachusetts,  said,  February  26,  in  the  debate  on  the  ex 
traordinary  bill  for  raising  fifty  thousand  volunteers  : — 

"  But  how  stands  the  fact  ?  We  have  these  threaten 
ing  events  in  the  northeast,  and  these  new  pretensions 
of  the  colonial  authorities  of  Great  Britain  to  show  what  is 
doing  there.  How  is  it  in  the  North  ?  We  have  heard 
much  of  the  success  of  a  distinguished  Pacificator1  in  re 
storing  a  peaceful  state  of  things  there  ;  but  the  fires  of 
indignation  along  the  whole  line,  which  the  misrule  of 
Great  Britain,  and  the  misconduct  of  the  ruling  party  in 
Upper  and  Lower  Canada,  have  awakened,  are  smother 
ed,  not  extinguished,  and  it  needs  but  the  touch  of  a  spark 
to  kindle  them  into  a  devouring  flame  to  spread  like  light 
ning  from  Maine  to  Michigan."2 

Mr.  John  Quincy  Adams  also  said,  on  the  2d  of  March  : 

"  Whatever  might  be  the  action  of  the  House  at  the 

present  time,  he  believed  the  question  would  eventually 

v       

1  Scott  was  then  at  Washington,  urging  the  passage  of  the  bill  under  de 
bate  ;  but  it  was  known  that  he  was  soon  to  be  off  for  Maine. 

*  The  Canadian  Patriot  troubles  had,  at  the  end  of  February,  1839, 
been  tranquillized,  and  did  not  again  break  out.  Mr.  Gushing,  a  member 
from  Massachusetts,  perhaps  partook  a  little  more  of  the  excitement  grow 
ing  out  of  the  Maine  boundary  than  belonged  to  others. 


MESSAGE  OF  THE  PRESIDENT.  327 

have  to  be  settled  by  force  of  arms,  and  for  one  he  was 
not  disposed  to  have  much  further  negotiation."1 

The  Globe,  then  the  official  organ  of  the  government, 
copied  a  letter  from  the  Boston  Atlas,  dated  Senate 
Chamber,  Augusta,  March  2d,  1839,  in  these  words  : — 

"  I  speak  advisedly  when  I  say,  that  if  the  contempla* 
ted  visit  of  General  Scott  to  Maine  is  only  to  persuade  a 
withdrawal  of  our  troops  from  the  disputed  territory,  or  a 
relinquishment  of  our  present  position,  he  might  as  well 
stay  away." 

On  the  27th  of  February,  the  President,  Mr.  Van  Bu- 
ren,  transmitted  to  Congress  a  message,  enclosing  a  mem 
orandum,  mutually  signed  by  the  Secretary  of  State  and 
the  British  Minister,  the  object  of  which  was  to  prevent  an 
instant  collision,  and  consequently  war ;  but  by  some  un 
accountable  oversight,  the  interests  and  sensibilities  of  the 
people  of  Maine  were  too  little  considered,  and  there 
was  much  difficulty  in  reconciling  them  to  the  new  state 
of  things.  The  following  are  copies  of  the  message  and 
memorandum : — 

"  NORTHEASTERN  FRONTIER. 

"  The  President  submitted  the  following  message  from 
the  President  of  the  United  States  : 

"WASHINGTON,  Feb.  27,  1839. 
"  To  the  Senate  of  the  United  States : 

"  I  transmit  to  Congress  copies  of  various  other  docu 
ments  received  from  the  governor  of  Maine,  relating  to 

1  The  danger  of  war  growing  out  of  the  Maine  boundary  was  much 
greater  than  it  has  since  been  on  the  Oregon  question.  Besides,  there  was 
a  present  and  instant  danger  of  collision  at  any  moment.  The  extreme 
narrowness  of  the  crisis  may  be  known  and  understood  by  the  text 


328  THE  "  MEMORANDUM." 

the  dispute  between  that  State  and  the  Province  of  New 
Brunswick,  which  formed  the  subject  of  my  message  of 
the  26th  inst.,  and  also  a  copy  of  a  memorandum  signed 
by  the  Secretary  of  State  of  the  United  States,  and  Her 
Britannic  Majesty's  Envoy  Extraordinary  and  Minister 
Plenipotentiary  near  the  United  States,  of  the  terms  upon 
which  it  is  believed  all  collision  can  be  avoided  on  the 
frontier,  consistently  with  and  respecting  the  claims  on 
either  side.  As  the  British  Minister  acts  without  specific 
authority  from  his  government,  it  will  be  observed  that 
this  memorandum  has  but  the  force  of  recommendation  on 
the  provincial  authorities  and  on  the  government  of  the 
state. 

"  M.  VAN  BUREN." 

"  MEMORANDUM. 

"  Her  Majesty's  authorities  consider  it  to  have  been 
understood  and  agreed  upon  by  the  two  governments,  that 
the  territory  in  .dispute  between  Great  Britain  and  the 
United  States,  on  the  northeastern  frontier,  should  remain 
exclusively  under  British  jurisdiction  until  the  final  settle 
ment  of  the  boundary  question. 

"  The  United  States  government  have  not  understood 
the  above  agreement  in  the  same  sense,  but  consider,  on 
the  contrary,  that  there  has  been  no  agreement  whatever 
for  the  exercise,  by  Great  Britain,  of  exclusive  jurisdic 
tion  over  the  disputed  territory,  or  any  portion  thereof,  but 
a  mutual  understanding  that,  pending  the  negotiation,  the 
jurisdiction  then  exercised  by  cither  party,  over  small  por 
tions  of  the  territory  in  dispute,  should  not  be  enlarged, 
but  be  continued  merely  for  the  preservation  of  local  tran 
quillity  and  the  public  property,  both  forbearing  as  far  as 


IT  RECOMMENDS  FORBEARANCE.  329 

practicable  to  exert  any  authority,  and,  when  any  should 
be  exercised  by  either,  placing  upon  the  conduct  of  each 
other  the  most  favorable  construction. 

"  A  complete  understanding  upon  the  question,  thus 
placed  at  issue,  of  present  jurisdiction,  can  only  be  arrived 
at  by  friendly  discussion  between  the  governments  of  the 
United  States  and  Great  Britain  ;  and,  as  it  is  confidently 
hoped  that  there  will  be  an  early  settlement- of  the  ques 
tion,  this  subordinate  point  of  difference  can  be  of  but  lit 
tle  moment. 

"In  the  mean  time,  the  governor  of  the  Province  of  New 
Brunswick  and  the  government  of  the  State  of  Maine,  will 
act  as  follows  :  Her  Majesty's  officers  will  not  seek  to  ex 
pel,  by  military  force,  the  armed  party  which  has  been 
sent  by  Maine  into  the  district  bordering  on  the  Aroostook 
river  ;  but  the  government  of  Maine  will,  voluntarily,  and 
without  needless  delay,  withdraw  beyond  the  bounds  of 
the  disputed  territory  any  armed  force  now  within  them ; 
and  if  future  necessity  should  arise  for  dispersing  notori 
ous  trespassers,  or  protecting  public  property  from  depre 
dation  by  armed  force,  the  operation  shall  be  conducted 
by  concert,  jointly  or  separately,  according  to  agreements 
between  the  governments  of  Maine  and  New  Brunswick. 

"  The  civil  officers  in  the  service  respectively  of  New 
Brunswick  and  Maine,  who  have  been  taken  into  custody 
by  the  opposite  parties,  shall  be  released. 

"  Nothing  in  this  memorandum  shall  be  construed  to 
fortify  or  to  weaken,  in  any  respect  whatever,  the  claim  of 
either  party  to  the  ultimate  possession  of  the  disputed  ter 
ritory. 

"  The  Minister  Plenipotentiary  of  Her  Britannic  Majesty 
having  no  specific  authority  to  make  any  arrangement  on 


330         THE  "  MEMORANDUM"  WITHOUT  EFFECT. 

the  subject,  the  undersigned  can  only  recommend,  as  they 
now  earnestly  do,  to  the  governments  of  New  Brunswick 
and  Maine,  to  regulate  their  future  proceedings  according 
to  the  terms  herein  set  forth,  until  the  final  settlement  of 
the  territorial  dispute,  or  until  the  governments  of  the 
United  States  and  Great  Britain  shall  come  to  some  defi 
nite  conclusion  on  the  subordinate  point  upon  which  they 
are  now  at  issue. 

"  JOHN  FORSYTH,  Secretary  of  State 
of  the  United  States  of  North  America. 

11  H.  S.  Fox,  H.  B.  M.  Envoy 
Extraordinary  and  Minister  Plenipotentiary. 
"WASHINGTON,  February  27,  1839." 


This  memorandum  did  not  settle  the  difficulty.  The 
Baltimore  American,  in  making  a  summary  of  some  in 
telligence  from  Maine,  says  : — 

"  The  President's  message  and  the  recommendatory 
agreement  do  not  appear  to  be  received  with  favor  in 
Maine  ;  but  there  is  hope  that  after  they  have  been  duly 
considered  by  the  good  people  of  that  State,  they  will  see 
the  propriety  of  falling  in  with  the  pacific  policy  which 
they  go  to  maintain. 

"  Major-General  Scott  reached  Portland  on  Tuesday 
afternoon  last,  and  was  to  address  the  citizens  that  even 
ing.  We  rely  much  on  the  discretion,  zeal,  and  talent  of 
this  invaluable  officer,  in  bringing  matters  back  to  a  peace 
ful  attitude." 

This  MEMORANDUM,  which,  at  first  view,  seemed  to 
smooth  the  way  to  an  honorable  retreat  for  both  parties, 
and  consequently  to  the  adjustment  of  the  immediate 


IT  DISPLEASES  THE  PEOPLE  OF  MAINE.  331 

quarrel  between  the  quasi  belligerents,  was  found  by 
General  Scott,  at  every  step,  the  most  difficult  element  to 
conquer.  Both  Maine  and  New  Brunswick  had  long  ex 
ercised  jurisdiction  "  over  small  portions  of  the  territory  in 
dispute,"  as  recited  in  the  memorandum.  But  when  that 
was  signed,  it  was  known  each  had  extended  her  forces  to 
other  portions.  The  recommendation,  therefore,  that 
"  Maine  will,  voluntarily  and  without  needless  delay,  with 
draw  beyond  the  bounds  of  the  disputed  territory  any 
armed  force  now  within  them,"  merely  on  the  considera 
tion  that  "  Her  Majesty's  officers  will  not  seek  to  expel, 
by  military  force,"  the  troops  of  Maine,  without  the  recip 
rocal  injunction  that  "  any  armed  force"  of  the  opposite 
side  "  will"  also  be  withdrawn,  evidently  authorized  the 
continued  presence  of  the  British  forces  within  those 
bounds.  This  necessary  construction  gave  great  offence 
to  the  people,  including  the  governor  of  Maine  and  the 
majorities  in  the  Legislature,  although  they  were  of  the 
same  party  with  the  national  administration  which  had 
made  the  memorandum.  The  administration  it  was  said 
in  Maine,  had  been  outwitted,  or  had  wilfully  abandoned 
the  pride,  the  honor,  and  the  interests  of  Maine.  General 
Scott,  in  the  discharge  of  his  official  duties,  was  only  an 
American  charged  with  important  trusts,  and  therefore 
devoted  himself  in  good  faith  to  smooth  these  difficulties, 
and  reconcile  the  state  and  national  authorities. 

His  reception  by  the  people  and  authorities  of  Maine 
at  Augusta,  the  seat  of  government,  was  such  as  to  in 
crease  his  power  of  harmonizing  opposite  feelings,  by 
showing  the  strong  sympathy  between  himself  and  the 
body  of  the  people.  On  Thursday,  the  7th  of  March, 
General  Scott  met  the  citizens  of  Augusta,  representa- 


332  SCOTT'S  RECEPTION  AT  AUGUSTA. 

lives  and  soldiers,  in  the  Legislative  Hall.     A  correspon 
dent  of  the  Portland  Argus  says  : — * 

"  The  hall  was  full  and  the  galleries  were  crowded. 
Many  could  not  get  places.  The  greeting  of  the  general 
to  the  officers  and  soldiers  introduced  to  him  was  pecu 
liarly  happy.  In  one  of  the  representatives,  Mr.  Frost  of 
Bethel,  he  recognised  a  fellow-soldier  of  the  last  war. 
They  were  both  wounded  in  the  same  battle.  The  inter 
view  was  enthusiastic.  The  general  seemed  hardly  will 
ing  to  part  with  his  hand. 

"  After  a  half  hour  spent  in  these  mutual  interchanges 
of  friendship,  Mr.  Allen  of  Bangor,  in  a  few  remarks,  wel 
comed  General  Scott  among  us,  to  which  welcoming  he 
replied  by  thanking  the  audience  for  the  hearty  reception 
they  had  given  him  in  the  capitol  of  Maine,  and  by  ex 
pressing  his  happiness  at  being  enabled,  face  to  face,  to 
see  so  many  of  her  sons — and,  should  war  come,  he 
should  be  glad  to  be  found  shoulder  to  shoulder,  breast  to 
breast  with  such  soldiers." 

General  Scott  remained  at  Augusta  several  weeks,  and 
on  the  12th  of  March  Governor  Fairfield,  of  Maine,  trans 
mitted  a  message  to  the  Legislature,2  stating  strongly  the 
objections  to  the  terms  of  the  memorandum,  as  we  have 
already  narrated  them,  but  concluding  with  the  following 
recommendation-'—3 

What  then  shall  be  done  ?  The  people  of  the  State 
surely  are  not  desirous  of  hurrying  the  two  nations  into  a 
war.  Such  an  event  is  anxiously  to  be  avoided,  if  it  can 
be  without  dishonor.  We  owe  too  much  to  the  Union,  to 


1  56  Niles's  Register,  34. 

1  56  Niks's  Register,  70.        *  Idem,  71. 


MESSAGE  OP  GOVERNOR  FAIRFIELD.  333 

ourselves,  and,  above  all,  to  the  spirit  and  principles  of 
Christianity,  to  bring  about  a  conflict  of  arms  with  a 
people  having  with  us  a  common  origin,  speaking  a  com 
mon  language,  and  bound  to  us  by  so  many  ties  of 
common  interest,  without  the  most  inexorable  necessity. 
Under  these  circumstances  I  would  recommend  that, 
when  we  are  fully  satisfied,  either  by  the  declarations  of 
the  lieutenant-governor  of  New  Brunswick,  or  otherwise, 
that  he  has  abandoned  all  idea  of  occupying  the  disputed 
territory  with  a  military  force,  and  of  attempting  an  expul 
sion  of  our  party,  that  then  the  governor  be  authorized 
to  withdraw  our  military  force,  leaving  the  land-agent  with 
a  posse,  armed  or  unarmed,  as  the  case  may  require,  suf 
ficient  to  carry  into  effect  your  original  design — that  of 
driving  out  or  arresting  the  trespassers,  and  preserving 
and  protecting  the  timber  from  their  depredations." 

On  the  20th  inst.  the  Legislature  passed  resolutions  ac 
cordant  in  spirit  with  the  above  message  of  the  governor. 

Thus  far  the  presence  of  Scott  in  Maine  had  been  at 
tended  by  a  pacific  temper  and  salutary  effects ;  but  it 
will  be  observed,  that  the  recommendation  of  the  governor 
and  the  resolution  of  the  Legislature  in  accordance  with  it, 
required  a  declaration,  or  its  equivalent,  from  the  lieu 
tenant-governor  of  Ne*v  Brunswick;  that  is,  they  required 
the  British  governor  to  take  the  first  step.  To  under 
stand  the  difficulty  of  this  requisition,  it  should  be  re 
membered,  that  just  at  this  moment  the  people  of  the 
Province  of  New  Brunswick  were  highly  inflamed  against 
the  people  of  Maine;  that  the  Provincial  Legislature  had  au 
thorized  a  call  for  volunteers ;  and  that  large  reinforcements 
of  British  troops  were  on  their  march  to  this  frontier.1 

1  During  the  troubles  on  the  Canada  and  Maine  frontiers,  large  bodies 


334         SCOTT  AND  HARVEY  IN  THE  WAR. 

Yet,  notwithstanding  the  advantage  conceded  to  Great 
Britain  apparently,  in  the  memorandum  made  at  Washing 
ton,  it  was  necessary  to  induce  the  governor  of  New 
Brunswick  to  make  the  first  advance  towards  the  local 
adjustment,  in  the  hope  of  one  general  and  final. 

The  two  governors,  it  will  be  remembered,  had  from 
some  personal  offence,  given  by  one  side  or  the  other, 
long  ceased  all  correspondence.  A  mediator  was  needed. 
Scott  fortunately  had  some  peculiar  advantages  for  that 
office,  and  now  applied  himself  to  it  with  all  his  heart  and 
might. 

Colonel  Scott  and  Lieutenant-Colonel  Harvey  were,  in 
the  campaign  of  1813,  the  adjutant-generals  of  the  oppo 
sing  armies  in  Upper  Canada.  Both  being  always  in 
front,  they  very  generally  found  themselves  pitted  against 
each  other  in  the  battle-field.  Their  staff  positions  also 
made  them  the' organs  of  their  respective  armies,  by  letters 
and  by  personal  interviews,  under  flags  of  truce.  In  that 
official  intercourse  they  cordially  united  to  soften  down 
the  asperities  of  war — to  provide  for  the  general  wants 
of  prisoners,  to  appoint  exchanges  and  to  obtain  paroles, 
and  to  the  devising  of  means  for  enforcing  the  laws  of 
civilized  war  on  the  Indian  allies  of  the  two  armies.  It 
was  also  through  them  that  letters  and  money  passed  from 
one  army  into  the  hands  of  the  prisoners  of  the  other. 
Thus  it  happened  that  sentiments  of  high  respect  between 
the  parties  were  soon  ripened  into  personal  friendship, 
leading  (for  both  were  remarkable  in  stature)  to  mutual 

of  troops  were  ordered  into  British  America  from  various  parts  of  the  world- 
At  the  very  time  of  Scott's  arrival  at  Augusta,  additional  regiments  had 
landed  at  Quebec,  and  were  on  their  march  to  Frederickton,  New  Bruns 
wick.  See  56  Niles'a  Register,  34. 


THE  ALMOST  PRISONER  ESCAPES.  335 

recognition  and  salutes,  when  advancing  to  close  combat. 
If  their  chivalry  went  not  as  far  as  that  of  the  French 
officer  at  the  battle  of  Fontenoi,  who,  standing  in  front  of 
his  troops,  exclaimed,  "  Gentlemen  of  the  English  guards, 
give  us  your  fire  !"  yet  there  was  not  wanting  a  touch  of 
the  romantic  in  their  meetings. 

Once,  when  reconnoitring  and  skirmishing,  Scott  con 
trived,  as  he  thought,  to  cut  off  his  daring  opponent  from 
the  possibility  of  retreat.  In  an  instant,  an  American 
rifle  was  levelled  upon  him.  Scott  struck  up  the  deadly 
weapon,  crying — "  Hold  !  he  is  our  prisoner."  But  Har 
vey,  by  a  sudden  turn  and  desperate  leap  of  his  horse, 
broke  through  the  skirmishers,  and  escaped  under  a 
shower  of  balls,  to  reappear  in  the  following  campaign,  a 
formidable  opponent  of  his  enemy  and  friend  in  the  fields 
of  Chippewa  and  Niagara.1 

When  Major-General  Scott  arrived  in  Maine,  it  so  hap 
pened,  that  he  had  with  him  an  unanswered  private  letter 
from  Sir  John  Harvey,  written  before  the  troubles  on  the 
borders  of  New  Brunswick,  and  received  at  the  far  South. 
A  reply  to  that  friendly  letter  brought  on  at  once  a  semi 
official  correspondence  between  the  parties,  which  soon 
became  brisk  and  public.2  Each  established  a  line  of 
estafettes  (couriers)  to  the  frontiers. 

1  After  a  capture  of  baggage,  on  some  occasion,  in  1813,  a  splendid  coat 
of  a  British  staff-officer  was  seen  in  the  hands  of  an  American.     On  in 
quiry,  it  was  learned  that  it  had  been  taken  from  a  portmanteau  marked 
"  Lieut.  Col.  Harvey,"  together  with  the  miniature  of  a  beautiful  young 
lady — the  bride  of  that  gallant  officer,  left  in  England.     Scott  purchased 
both,  and  sent  them  to  him,  to  whom  the  likeness,  at  that  distance,  was 
invaluable. 

2  Sir  John  Harvey  assented  to  a  proposition  of  General  Scott  that  their 
correspondence  should  be  subsequently  considered  as  semi-official. 

22 


336  THE  SEMI-OFFICIAL  CORRESPONDENCE. 

Standing  high  in  the  confidence  of  his  own  govern 
ment,  and  being  above  pique  and  petty  advantages,  all 
repugnance  towards  the  first  step,  which  was  required  by 
the  resolution  that  passed  the  Maine  Legislature,  towards 
preserving  the  peace  of  the  borders,  and  the  consequent 
peace  of  two  great  nations,  on  honorable  terms,  was  soon 
conquered  by  the  governor  of  New  Brunswick.  When 
this  was  done,  Scott  felt  himself  at  liberty  to  appeal  to 
the  same  generous  sentiments  on  the  part  of  the  Maine 
authorities. 

The  correspondence  above  referred  to,  and  the  con 
cessions  in  this  correspondence  of  Sir  John  Harvey,  had 
occurred  previous  to  the  resolutions  of  the  Legislature  nar 
rated  above ;  and  when  that  point  was  gained,  the  diffi 
culty  was  to  procure  the  pacific  action  of  the  governor 
and  Legislature  of  Maine. 

The  governor  of  Maine  became  satisfied  that  he  might 
take  the  second  step,  but  thought  he  could  not  withdraw 
the  troops  from  the  disputed  territory  without  the  concur 
rence  of  the  Legislature.  With  his  approbation,  Scott 
had  now  to  urge  his  suit  for  peace  and  compromise  with  the 
membersof  the  Legislature.  Both  political  parties  had  been 
qqually  excited  against  New  Brunswick  and  Great  Britain 
about  the  boundary  ;  but  both  were  jealous  and  watchful 
of  each  other.  Each  had,  within  a  few  years,  gained 
predominance,  by  the  use  of  this  foreign  question.  It 
was  natural  they  should  think,  that  a  too  ready  yielding 
might  be  unpopular  at  home.  It  was  therefore  necessary 
that  the  members  of  these  political  parties  in  the  Legis 
lature  should  make  a  simultaneous  movement.  Scott  had 
succeeded  in  reconciling  the  leading  members  of  the 
dominant  party  in  Maine  to  the  measures  of  their  political 


THE  GOVERNORS  SIGN  SCOTT'S  MEMORANDUM.        337 

friends  at  Washington  ;  he  had  succeeded  in  obtaining  a 
friendly  concession  from  the  Governor  of  New  Bruns 
wick  ;  and  now  he  had  the  address  to  reconcile  opposing 
parties  in  the  Legislature.  We  have  been  told,  and  in 
deed  the  newspapers  of  the  day  show  something  of  it,1 
that  this  was  a  remarkably  interesting  scene.  The  details 
belong  chiefly  to  that  private  Jiistory  which  public  reports 
do  not  reach,  and  which  rarely  or  never  are  developed  till 
another  generation. 

The  resolutions  of  Maine  were  passed  on  the  20th  in 
stant.  By  that  time  Scott  was  prepared  with  his  memo 
randum,  signed  by  Sir  John  Harvey,  and  containing  all 
that  was  necessary  to  establish  peace.  Governor  Fair- 
field  immediately  added  his  signature.  Copies  were  duly 
interchanged  by  General  Scott.  Tranquillity  was  "re 
stored  on  the  borders,  and  the  subject  of  peace  and  war 
transferred  to  the  national  authorities. 

The  resolutions  of  the  Maine  Legislature  were  passed 
on  the  20th  of  March,  and  on  the  21st  instant,  General 
Scott  sent  his  official  communication  to  Sir  John  Harvey, 
which  was  the  memorandum  of  what  was  assented  to  by 
the  Governors  of  Maine  and  New  Brunswick.  Below 
are  the  official  papers  by  which  the  instant  danger  of  war 
was  averted  and  a  foundation  laid  for  future  negotiations. 


1  In  Niles's  Register  for  April,  1839,  will  be  found  many  extracts  from 
newspapers  and  other  documents,  illustrating  these  facts.  The  newspapers 
of  Boston,  Portland,  and  Augusta,  all  contained  the  detailed  history  of  these 
events. 


338         GENERAL  SCOTl's  MEMORANDUM. 

From  the  Augusta  (Me.)  Journal,  March  26,  1839. 

"  The  War  ended. — Important  Correspondence. 

"  '  Head-Quarters,  Eastern  Division  U.  S.  Army, ) 
Augusta,  Me.,  March  21,  1839.  \ 

"  '  The  undersigned,  a  M^aj or- General  in  the  Army  of 
the  United  States,  being  specially  charged  with  maintain 
ing  the  peace  and  safety  of  their  entire  northern  and  east 
ern  frontiers,  having  cause  to  apprehend  a  collision  of 
arms  between  the  proximate  forces  of  New  Brunswick 
and  the  State  of  Maine  on  the  disputed  territory,  which 
is  claimed  by  both,  has  the  honor,  in  the  sincere  desire 
of  the  United  States  to  preserve  the  relations  of  peace  and 
amity  with  Great  Britain — relations  which  might  be  much 
endangered  by  such  untoward  collision — to  invite  from 
his  Excellency  Major-General  Sir  John  Harvey,  Lieu- 
tenant-Governor,  &c.,  &c.,  a  general  declaration  to  this 
effect : 

" '  That  it  is  not  the  intention  of  the  Lieutenant-Governor 
of  Her  Britannic  Majesty's  Province  of  New  Brunswick, 
under  the  expected  renewal  of  negotiations  between  the 
cabinets  of  London  and  Washington  on  the  subject  of  the 
said  disputed  territory,  without  renewed  instructions  to 
that  effect  from  his  government,  to  seek  to  take  military 
possession  of  that  territory,  or  to  seek,  by  military  force, 
to  expel  therefrom  the  armed  civil  posse  or  the  troops  of 
Maine. 

1 '  Should  the  undersigned  have  the  honor  to  be  favored 
with  such  declaration  or  assurance,  to  be  by  him  commu 
nicated  to  his  Excellency  the  Governor  of  the  State  of 
Maine,  the  undersigned  does  not  in  the  least  doubt  that  he 


ITS  STIPULATIONS.  339 

would  be  immediately  and  fully  authorized  by  the  Gov 
ernor  of  Maine  to  communicate  to  his  Excellency  the 
Lieutenant-Governor  of  New  Brunswick  a  corresponding 
pacific  declaration  to  this  effect : 

"  '  That,  in  the  hope  of  a  speedy  and  satisfactory  settle 
ment,  by  negotiation,  between  the  governments  of  the 
United  States  and  Great  Britain,  of  the  principal  or  boun 
dary  question  between  the  State  of  Maine  and  the  Prov 
ince  of  New  Brunswick,  it  is  not  the  intention  of  the 
Governor  of  Maine,  without  renewed  instructions  from 
the  Legislature  of  the  State,  to  attempt  to  disturb  by  arms 
the  said  Province  in  the  possession  of  the  Madawaska 
settlements,  or  to  attempt  to  interrupt  the  usual  commu 
nications  between  that  province  and  Her  Majesty's  Upper 
provinces  ;  and  that  he  is  willing,  in  the  mean  time,  to 
leave  the  questions  of  possession  and  jurisdiction  as  they 
at  present  stand — that  is,  Great  Britain  holding,  in  fact, 
possession  of  a  part  of  the  said  territory,  and  the  govern 
ment  of  Maine  denying  her  right  to  such  possession ;  and 
the  State  of  Maine  holding,  in  fact,  possession  of  another 
portion  of  the  same  territory,  to  which  her  right  is  denied 
by  Great  Britain. 

"'With  this  understanding,  the  Governor  of  Maine  will, 
without  unnecessary  delay,  withdraw  the  military  force 
of  the  state  from  the  said  disputed  territory — leaving  only, 
under  a  land  agent,  a  small  civil  posse,  armed  or  unarmed, 
to  protect  the  timber  recently  cut,  and  to  prevent  future 
depredations. 

"  '  Reciprocal  assurances  of  the  foregoing  friendly  char 
acter  having  been,  through  the  undersigned,  interchanged, 
all  danger  of  collision  between  the  immediate  parties  to 
the  controversy  will  be  at  once  removed,  and  time  allowed 


340        CONCURRENCE  OF  SIR  JOHN  HARVEY. 

the  United  States  and  Great  Britain  to  settle  amicably  the 
great  question  of  limits. 

"  '  The  undersigned  has  much  pleasure  in  renewing  to 
his  Excellency  Major-General  Sir  John  Harvey,  the  assu 
rances  of  his  ancient  high  consideration  and  respect. 

" '  WINFIELD  SCOTT.' 

"  To  a  copy  of  the  foregoing,  Sir  John  Harvey  annexed 
the  following — 

"  '  The  undersigned,  Major-General  Sir  John  Harvey, 
Lieutenant-Governor  of  Her  Britannic  Majesty's  Province 
of  New  Brunswick,  having  received  a  proposition  from 
Major-General  Winfield  Scott,  of  the  United  States  Army, 
of  which  the  foregoing  is  a  copy,  hereby,  on  his  part,  sig 
nifies  his  concurrence  and  acquiescence  therein. 

" '  Sir  John  Harvey  renews  with  great  pleasure  to  Major- 
General  Scott  the  assurances  of  his  warmest  personal 
consideration,  regard,  and  respect. 

"  <  J.  HARVEY. 

" '  Government  House,  Frederickton,      ) 
New  Brunswick,  March  23, 1839.'  $ 

"  To  a  paper  containing  the  note  of  General  Scott,  and 
the  acceptance  of  Sir  John  Harvey,  Governor  Fairfield 
annexed  his  acceptance  in  these  words — 

"  '  Executive  Department,          } 
Augusta,  March  25,  1839.  $ 

"'The  undersigned,  Governor  of  Maine,  in  considera 
tion  of  the  foregoing,  the  exigency  for  calling  out  the 
troops  of  Maine  having  ceased,  has  no  hesitation  in  signi 
fying  his  entire  acquiescence  in  the  proposition  of  Major- 
General  Scott. 


HIS  LETTER  TO  GENERAL  SCOTT.         341 

" '  The  undersigned  has  the  honor  to  tender  to  Major- 
General  Scott  the  assurance  of  his  high  respect  and 
esteem. 

" '  JOHN  FAIRFIELD.' 

"We  learn  that  General  Scott  has  interchanged  the 
acceptances  of  the  governor  and  lieutenant-governor,  and 
also  that  Governor  Fairfield  immediately  issued  orders 
recalling  the  troops  of  Maine,  and  for  organizing  the  civil 
posse  that  is  to  be  continued,  for  the  time,  in  the  disputed 
territory.  The  troops  in  this  town  will  also  be  immedi 
ately  discharged." 

These  were  the  official  communications  ;  but  Sir  John 
Harvey  did  not  leave  it  at  all  in  doubt  as  to  whom  he 
relied  upon  and  looked  to  as  the  preserver  of  peace,  even 
if  these  documents  did  not  disclose  that  fact.  In  a  letter 
of  even  date  with  the  above-written  acquiescence,  (March 
23d,)  General  Harvey1  wrote  to  General  Scott  thus — 

"  MY  DEAR  GENERAL  SCOTT — 

"  Upon  my  return  from  closing  the 

session  of  the  Provincial  Legislature,  I  was  gratified  by 
the  receipt  of  your  very  satisfactory  communication  of  the 
21st  instant.  My  reliance  upon  you,  my  dear  general, 
has  led  me  to  give  my  willing  assent  to  the  proposition 
which  you  have  made  yourself  the  very  acceptable  means 
of  conveying  to  me  ;  and  I  trust  that  as  far  as  the  province 
and  the  state  respectively  are  concerned,  an  end  will  be 
put  by  it  to  all  border  disputes,  and  a  way  opened  to  an 

1  56th  volume  of  Niles's  Register  contains  the  correspondence. 


342          SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  QUESTION. 

amicable  adjustment  of  the  national  question  involved.1  I 
shall  hope  to  receive  the  confirmation  of  this  arrangement 
on  the  part  of  the  State  of  Maine  at  as  early  a  period  as 
may  be  practicable." 

The  people  of  the  United  States,  like  Sir  John  Harvey, 
looked  upon  Scott  as  the  PACIFICATOR,  who  had  now 
made  himself  as  much  the  friend  of  peace,  as  he  once  had 
been  distinguished  as  the  warrior  of  battles. 

It  was  but  a  short  time  after  this  transaction,  that 
another  distinguished  man,  of  singular  ability  and  great 
influence,  had  the  honor  of  terminating  this  vexed  ques 
tion,  of  fixing,  so  that  it  could  no  longer  be  mistaken,  our 
northern  boundary,  from  the  foot  of  the  Rocky  Mountains, 
by  the  Lake  of  the  Woods,  and  down  the  St.  Lawrence, 
and  through  this  disputed  territory  to  the  Atlantic.  Met 
in  the  same  peaceful  spirit  by  the  British  minister,  he 
was  able  to  close  these  harassing  difficulties,  to  quiet  the 
disturbed  minds  of  the  people,  and  in  this  olive-branch, 
plucked  from  the  midst  of  agitated  waters,  offer  to  the 
nations  another  evidence  that  a  kindlier  and  better  spirit 
had  begun  to  govern  human  affairs.  He  had  already  been 
the  strongest  actor  in  forensic  combats,  the  noblest  orator 
of  senate  halls  ;  and  the  ASHBURTON  TREATY,  negotiated 
on  the  part  of  the  United  States  by  Daniel  Webster,  re 
ceived  the  speedy  confirmation  of  the  Senate.2 


1  I  cannot  imagine  a  more  delightful  recollection  than  that  of  either  of 
these  distinguished  friends,  that  he  had  contributed  so  much  to  this  "  ami 
cable  adjustment"  of  BO  vexed  and  dangerous  a  question,  between  two  great 
nations. 

3  This  treaty  was  called  the  "  Ashburton  Treaty,"  merely  as  a  name. 
It  might  as  well  have  been  called  the  Webster  Treaty 


DISINTERESTED  JUDGMENT  OF  THE  PUBLIC.          343 


CHAPTER   XXI. 

1839  TO  1845. 

Scott  presented  for  the  Presidency  in  1839. — Whig  Convention  of  1839. — 
Scott's  Vote. — Scott  is  made  Commander  of  the  Army. — His  Letter  in 
answer  to  Queries. — His  Letter  to  the  Dayton  Committee  in  1842. — 
His  Letter  on  Slavery  in  1843. — His  Letters  on  the  question  of  Peace 
and  War. — Biography  defined. — This  a  Work  of  History. — Growth  and 
Prospects  of  the  American  Nation. 

A  LIFE  devoted  to  the  public  service,  and  made  splen 
did  by  successful  achievements,  whether  civil  or  military,' 
cannot  be  without  its  effect  on  the  public  mind  of  a  na 
tion.  Envy  may  place  its  results  among  the  accidents  of 
fortune,  or  jealousy  attribute  it  to  the  favor  of  friends,  or 
calumny  assert  that  it  is  overrated,  and  the  reality  does 
not  sustain  the  appearance.  But  it  is  not  so  that  the 
common  sense  of  mankind  makes  up  its  judgment.  It 
believes  that  services  rendered  to  the  public  deserve 
consideration ;  that  when  well  performed  they  are  meri 
torious  ;  and  that  when  to  these  conditions  there  is  added 
an  unusual  success  and  a  shining  career,  there  is  some 
thing  in  all  this  worthy  to  receive  the  applause  of  men 
and  the  highest  rewards  of  public  life.  Whatever  envy, 
or  jealousy,  or  calumny,  may  affirm,  the  masses  of  men 
will  ever  believe,  that  there  are  no  effects  without  causes, 
and  few  appearances  not  sustained  by  the  reality.  Had 
they  not  so  believed,  Washington  might  have  remained 
forever  a  surveyor,  Franklin  a  printer,  and  Roger  Sher- 


344      SUCCESSFUL  RESULTS  OF  MANY  LABORS. 

man  never  have  been  numbered  among  the  most  sagacious 
statesmen  of  the  Revolution.  The  millions  who  make  up 
the  body  of  the  people  never  seek  for  defects  in  a  public 
character  with  the  eye  of  a  critic,  nor  calumniate  their 
acts  with  the  malice  of  a  rival.  Public  men  are  the 
property  of  their  country.  The  success  of  their  achieve 
ments  is  the  success  of  the  country.  The  glory  they 
have  won  is  a  common  heritage.  It  is  not,  therefore, 
strange,  that  when  ^cott  had  added  to  the  fame  of  a  war 
rior  the  glory  of  a  peacemaker  ;  that  when  he  had  sought 
by  acts  of  charity  and  kindness  towards  the  Cherokees, 
to  efface  some  little  of  that  hard  fate  by  which  they  had 
been  driven  from  their  homes  ;  that  when  he  had  exhibit 
ed  his  abilities  as  a  writer ;  when,  in  fact,  repeated  suc- 
•cess  had  crowned  repeated  labors ;  it  is  not  strange  that 
the  people  should  have  looked  upon  him  as  one  of  those 
from  whom  they  might  select  a  President  in  cabinets  not 
less  than  a  general  among  soldiers.  Nor  was  this  feeling 
diminished  by  the  fact  that  the  venerated  Constitution  of 
our  country  had  made  the  President  the  commander  of 
the  army,  not  less  than  the  chief  magistrate  among  citi 
zens — one  who  was  to  bear  the  sword  not  less  than  the 
mace. 

Accordingly,  in  1839,  Scott  was  looked  upon  as  one  of 
those  who  probably  would,  or  might  be,  presented  as  a 
candidate  for  the  presidency.  Not  deprived  by  offices 
or  public  service,  of  the  right  possessed  by  every  citizen 
to  his  own  political  opinions,  and  his  own  views  of  public 
policy,  he  had  nevertheless  never  volunteered  himself  as 
a  partisan.  He  had  not  mingled  in  public  discussions, 
and  had  served  as  much  for  those  who  differed  from,  as 
for  those  who  agreed  with  him  in  opinion.  Parties  had 


POLITICAL  OPINIONS  OF  GENERAL  SCOTT.  345 

been  organized  under  other  leaders.  He  meddled  not 
with  these  organizations.  Hence  he  was  made  a  can 
didate  by  the  spontaneous  action  of  the  people.  They 
who  took  part  in  his  favor  were  patriotic  citizens,  who 
remembered  his  services  in  peace  not  less  than  those  in 
war. 

Fully  informed  on  all  the  great  questions  which  had 
divided  parties,  and  feeling  in  them  the  warm  interest  of 
a  patriotic  citizen,  that  interest  had  been  frequently  ex 
pressed,  and  it  was  well  known  that  his  opinions  harmon 
ized  with  the  principles  and  policy  of  the  Whigs.  When 
presented  by  his  friends  as  one  of  the  candidates  of  the 
Whig  Convention  of  1839,  it  was,  however,  not  so  much 
by  his  consent  as  by  his  sufferance.  He  believed  MR. 
CLAY  the  proper  Whig  candidate  and  leader,  and  after 
him,  GENERAL  HARRISON.  He  therefore  addressed  no 
less  than  five  letters  to  as  many  members  of  the  Conven 
tion,  (all  to  be  shown,)  urging  that,  if  there  appeared  any 
prospect  of  success  before  the  people,  Mr.  Clay  might 
be  selected,  and  if  not,  General  Harrison.  He  further 
added,  that  he  wished  himself  not  to  be  thought  of  as  a 
candidate,  if  the  nomination  of  either  of  the  others  prom 
ised  success. 

The  Convention  met  on  the  4th  of  December,  1839,  at 
Harrisburgh,  Pennsylvania,  and  must  be  admitted  by  all 
who  are  acquainted  with  its  members  to  have  been  one  of 
the  ablest  and  most  important  political  bodies  ever  as 
sembled  in  this  country.1 


1  On  the  ballot  preceding  the  last,  Scott  received  the  votes  of  New 
York,  42  ;  New  Jersey,  6  ;  Connecticut,  6  ;  Vermont,  5  ;  Michigan,  3 ; 
making  in  all  62.  The  total  number  of  votes  given  was  254. 


346        SCOTT  APPOINTED  COMMANDER  OF  THE  ARMY. 

The  result  of  the  nomination,  and  the  political  events 
which  immediately  followed,  are  well  known  to  all  the 
people  of  the  United  States. 

General  Harrison  received  the  nomination.  The  friends 
of  General  Scott  as  well  as  those  of  Mr.  Clay  were  among 
the  foremost  and  ablest  of  those  who  yielded  to  that  nomi 
nation  their  hearty  concurrence,  and  gave  to  its  support 
their  best  political  services.  In  an  election  which  called 
forth  nearly  every  voter  in  the  Union,  General  Harrison 
was  chosen  by  a  popular  majority  as  unprecedented  as  it 
was  remarkable  in  the  strength  and  fervor  of  the  popular 
feeling  with  which  it  was  accompanied.  The  five  states 
which  had  originally  voted  for  General  Scott  in  the  Con 
vention,  gave  their  entire  vote,  by  great  majorities,  to 
General  Harrison. 

The  President  elect  was  inaugurated,  but  had  scarcely 
more  than  chosen  his  cabinet  and  entered  on  the  duties 
of  his  office,  when  Death,  the  conqueror  of  conquerors, 
laid  him  beyond  the  means  of  action  or  the  reach  of  ap 
plause.  The  traveller  who  now  descends  the  Ohio,  and 
looks  upon  the  green  turf  which  covers  his  buried  re 
mains,  will  be  reminded  at  once  of  the  brevity  of  life,  the 
instability  of  prosperity,  and  the  uncertain  tenure  of  politi 
cal  power ! 

A  few  months  after  this  event,  in  consequence  of  the 
death  of  Major-General  Macomb,  which  occurred  June 
25th,  1841,  General  Scott  was  called  to  the  command  of 
the  entire  army.  This  duty,  in  ordinary  times,  requires 
his  presence  three-fourths  of  the  year  at  the  seat  of  gov 
ernment.  A  part  of  each  year  is  spent  in  the  duties  of 
inspection,  visiting  the  remote  military  posts,  and  ac 
quainting  himself  personalty  with  the  wants  and  discipline 


HIS  DUTIES  IN  ALL  PARTS  OF  THK  COUNTRY.    347 

of  the  army.  It  is  thus  that,  in  peace  as  in  war,  his  duties 
call  him  to  all  parts  of  the  Union,  make  him  acquainted 
with  large  masses  of  the  people,  and  with  the  various 
districts  and  interests  of  the  country.  The  summer  resi 
dence  of  his  family  is  at  Elizabethtown,  New  Jersey, 
where,  and  in  the  city  of  New  York,  he  resided  for  the 
greater  part  of  the  time  from  1817  to  1840;  and  where 
yet  are  centred  those-  pleasing  associations  which  encircle 
the  expressive  word — HOME. 

In  less  than  a  year  after  the  death  of  General  Harrison, 
many  of  the  Whigs,  as  well  as  members  of  other  parties/ 
began  to  look  around  for  a  candidate  at  the  election  of 
1844.  Among  those  who  might  be  selected,  General 
Scott  stood  prominent,  as  he  had  done  in  1839.  There 
were  many  citizens,  eminent  for  public  service,  for  great 
abilities,  and  enlightened  patriotism,  any  one  of  whom 
might  with  great  propriety  have  been  chosen  as  a  candidate 
for  the  highest  honors  of  the  republic.  But  practically  the 
choice  was  confined  to  but  very  few.  General  Scott  was 
one  of  these,  and  as  there  was  no  small  share  of  popular 
feeling  in  his  favor,  there  were  very  many  letters  addressed 
to  him,  as  there  are  to  all  who  are  supposed  to  be  within  the 
least  probability  of  choice,  as  to  what  his  opinions  were 
on  various  subjects.  He  found  it  inconvenient,  if  not  im 
possible,  to  answer  these  ;  and  hence  adopted  the  form  of 
a  circular,  as  the  best  mode  of  reply  to  these  various  in- . 
terrogatories.  The  circular  embodied  the  opinions  of 
General  Scott  long  entertained  and  frequently  expressed. 


1  Among  those  who  first  proposed  General  Scott  for  the  presidency, 
were  many  of  the  original  friends  of  General  Jackson.  Indeed,  men  of  all 
parties  were  more  or  less  his  friends  in  1839. 


348      POWERS  AND  RIGHTS  OF  THE  SUPREME  COURT. 

It  has  been  so  widely  published,  and  the  opinions  are  so 
generally  known,  that  we  extract  only  what  relates  to  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States. 

"  The  Judiciary.  From  an  early  and  long-continued 
study  of  elementary  law,  my  mind  has  ever  been  imbued 
with  deep  reverence'  for  the  bench,  state  and  federal,  an 
independent  department  in  our  systems  of  government, 
and  which,  holding  neither  the  purse  to  corrupt,  nor  the 
sword  of  power  to  terrify,  addresses  itself  only  with  the 
mild  force  of  persuasive  reason  to  the  intelligence  and 
virtue  of  the  whole  community.  By  the  federal  consti 
tution  every  possible  safeguard  is  provided  to  shield  its 
judiciary  against  fleeting  prejudice,  political  rancor,  and 
party  dependence,  to  which  legislators  and  the  executive 
are  unavoidably,  directly,  and  constantly  exposed.  Hence, 
to  the  '  one  supreme  court'  is  wisely  extended  (by  '  appel 
late  jurisdiction')  '  all  cases  in  law  and  equity  arising  under 
this  constitution,  the  laws  of  the  United  States,  and  trea 
ties  made,  or  which  shall  be  made,  under  their  authority.' 

"  Looking  to  this  express  provision,  I  have  always 
held,  that  when  a  doubtful  question,  arising  under  either 
the  constitution  itself,  the  supreme  law  of  the  land  ;  under 
an  act  of  Congress,  or  a  treaty  has  once  been  solemnly 
adjudicated,  by  that  court,  the  principle  of  the  decision 
ought  to  be  taken  by  all,  as  definitively  settled,  unless,  in 
deed,  it  be  upon  a  rehearing  before  the  same  tribunal. 
This  appears  to  me  too  clear  for  disputation ;  for  the 
court  is  not  only  declared  to  be  supreme,  and  hence  there 
can  be  no  bench  beyond  ;  but  to  Congress  is  only  given 
the  power  to  constitute  '  inferior'  tribunals.  By  appeals 
to  the  Supreme  Court  a  settlement  was  intended  to  be 
reached,  and  anarchy,  through  a  long  distraction  of  the 


THE  MANLY  VIRTUE  OF  FRANKNESS.  349 

public  mind,  on  great  questions  of  legislative  and  execu 
tive  power,  thus  rendered  impossible.  Practically,  there 
fore,  for  the  people,  and  especially  their  functionaries,  to 
deny,  to  disturb,  or  impugn  principles  thus  constitution 
ally  established,  strikes  me  as  of  evil  example,  if  not  of  a 
direct  revolutionary  tendency,  except,  indeed,  in  the  case 
of  a  judicial  decision  enlarging  power  and  against  liberty ; 
and  any  dangerous  error  of  this  sort  can  always  be  easily 
corrected  (and  should  only  be  corrected)  by  an  amend 
ment  of  the  constitution,  in  one  of  the  modes  prescribed 
by  that  instrument  itself,  the  organic  law  of  the  states  and 
the  people.  Misconstructions  of  law,  other  than  the  con 
stitution,  are  yet  more  readily  corrected  by  amendatory  or 
declaratory  acts  of  Congress." 

This  letter  was  looked  upon  by  some  as  rather  too 
frank ;  but  it  should  be  remembered  that  frankness  in  a 
republican  country  is  a  virtue.  A  cautious  silence,  or  a 
reply  in  double  meanings,  may  be  prudence,  but  it  is  the 
prudence  of  a  courtier,  rather  than  the  honesty  of  a  patriot. 
Whoever  replies  to  questions  of  his  political  life  and 
opinions,  must  speak  personally  ;  and  whoever  replies  to 
them  honestly,  must  speak  frankly.  In  an  hour  of  the 
deepest  political  darkness  to  his  political  friends,  Scott 
hesitated  not  to  answer  openly  and  fairly  the  questions 
proposed  to  him  on  long-agitated  subjects  of  public  policy. 

In  the  summer  of  1842  he  was  nominated  by  a  full 
state  convention  in  Pennsylvania,  and  was  supported  by 
numerous  friends  elsewhere. 

Notwithstanding  this,  however,  he  wrote  the  following  let 
ter  to  a  committee  in  Dayton,  Ohio,  which  was  intended,  and 
was  so  understood,  to  withdraw  his  name  from  the  field  of 
selection,  in  deference  to  the  superior  claims  of  Mr.  Clay. 


350        SCOTT'S  LETTER  TO  THE  OHIO  COMMITTEE. 

From  the  Dayton  (Ohio)  Journal. 

"  The  press  of  other  matter  from  the  29th  to  the  day 
of  election  prevented  the  publication  of  the  letters  re 
ceived  from  many  distinguished  Whigs  in  reply  to  the  in 
vitations  given  them  to  attend  the  barbecue.  After  the  elec 
tion  they  were  considered  rather  out  of  season.  Among 
the  number,  however,  is  one  from  General  Scott,  which 
is  of  general  interest,  and  it  is  here  given  : 

"  '  Detroit,  September  22,  1842. 

" '  Gentlemen — 

"  '  Your  letter  of  the  7th  instant,  addressed  to  me 
at  Washington,  has  followed  me  to  this  distant  region. 

"  '  With  your  invitation  requesting  my  presence  at  the 
entertainment  about  to  be  given  by  the  Whigs  of  Ohio  to 
the  Whigs  of  Kentucky,  who  in  1840  so  magnanimously 
postponed  their  first  choice  for  the  Presidency,  I  am 
highly  honored  ;  and,  if  it  were  compatible  with  my  posi 
tion  as  a  Federal  officer,  I  should  certainly  be  in  the 
midst  of  you  on  the  interesting  occasion. 

"  '  With  one  candidate  for  the  Presidency,  and  the  best 
interests  of  the  country  at  heart,  it  ought  not  to  be  doubt 
ed  that  the  Whigs,  appealing  to  the  virtue  and  intelligence 
o£the  people,  will  be  as  successful  in  1844  as  they  were 
in  1840.  Whether  that  one  candidate  be,  as  all  indica 
tions  seem  to  determine,  Kentucky's  illustrious  son,  or 
any  of  hundreds  of  his  followers,  my  prayers  for  a  Whig 
triumph  shall  be  ardent  and  unceasing. 

" '  I  have  the  honor  to  remain,  gentlemen,  with  high 
consideration,  your  friend  and  fellow-citizen, 

" '  WINFIELD  SCOTT. 

"  '  Messrs.  J.  H.  Crane,  S.  Forrer,  H:  G.  Phillips,  R.  Green,  D.  A. 
Haynes,  and  Charles  Anderson,  Corresponding  Committee,  Dayton,  O.' " 


HIS  LETTER  ON  THE  SUBJECT  OF  SLAVERY.  351 

Among  the  subjects  of  political  and  social  interest  in 
the  United  States,  few  have  been  more  discussed,  or  with 
more  various  and  opposite  opinions,  than  that  of  domestic 
slavery.  The  complex  nature  of  an  association  of  states, 
each  of  which  held  certain  political  rights  exclusively  its 
own,  and  yet  all  of  which  were  bound  by  a  common  na 
tional  constitution,  a  part  of  which  also  held  slaves  and  a 
part  of  which  none,  made  the  subject  more  difficult  to 
handle  properly,  and  the  problem  presented  to  political 
philosophy,  by  the  existent  fact  of  acknowledged "  slave 
property,  more  difficult  of  solution.  The  civil  rights 
which  law  concedes  and  guaranties  must  be  maintained  ; 
while,  on  the  other  hand,  in  our  country  and  our  age,  full 
scope  must  be  given  to  the  utterance  of  opinions,  the  pro 
gress  of  legislation,  and  the  development  of  a  Christian 
civilization. 

General  Scott  owned  no  slaves,  but  he  was  educated 
in  a  community  where  slavery  existed,  and  where  intelli 
gent  men  were  familiar  with  all  the  practical  bearings  of 
this  profound  and  difficult  subject.  A  gentleman  of  Vir 
ginia  addressed  him  a  letter  of  inquiry,  to  which  he  replied 
in  the  following  expression  of  his  opinions  : 

General  Scott's  Letter  on  the  Subject  of  Slavery. 

"  Washington,  February  9, 1843. 
"  Dear  Sir— 

I  have  been  waiting  for  an  evening's  leis 
ure  to  answer  your  letter  before  me,  and,  after  an  unrea 
sonable  delay,  am  at  last  obliged  to  reply  in  the  midst  of 
official  occupations. 

"  That  I  ever  have  been  named  in  connection  with  the 

23 

- 


352        ORIGIN  OF  SCOTT'S  OPINIONS  ON  SLAVERY. 

Presidency  of  the  United  States,  has  not,  I  can  assure 
you,  the  son  of  an  ancient  neighbor  and  friend,  been  by 
any  contrivance  or  desire  of  mine ;  and  certainly  I  shall 
never  be  in  the  field  for  that  high  office  unless  placed 
there  by  a  regular  nomination.  Not,  then,  being  a  candi 
date,  and  seeing  no  near  prospect  of  being  made  one,  I 
ought,  perhaps,  to  decline  troubling  you  or  others  with 
my  humble  opinions  on  great  principles  of  state  rights  and 
federal  administration ;  but  as  I  cannot  plead  ignorance 
of  the  partiality  of  a  few  friends,  in  several  parts  of  the 
Union,  who  may,  by  possibility,  in  a  certain  event,  suc 
ceed  in  bringing  me  within  the  field  from  which  a  Whig 
candidate  is  to  be  selected,  I  prefer  to  err  on  the  side  of 
frankness  and  candor,  rather  than,  by  silence,  to  allow 
any  stranger  unwittingly  to  commit  himself  to  my  sup 
port. 

"  Your  inquiries  open  the  whole  question  of  domestic 
slavery,  which  has,  in  different  forms,  for  a  number  of 
years,  agitated  Congress  and  the  country. 

"  Premising  that  you  are  the  first  person  who  has  inter 
rogated  me  on  the  subject,  I  give  you  the  basis  of  what 
would  be  my  reply  in  greater  detail,  if  time  allowed  and 
the  contingency  alluded  to  above  were  less  remote. 

"  In  boyhood,  at  William  and  Mary  College,  and  in 
common  with  most,  if  not  all,  my  companions,  I  became 
deeply  impressed  with  the  views  given  by  Mr.  Jefferson, 
in  his  '  Notes  on  Virginia,'  and  by  Judge  Tucker,  in  the 
Appendix  to  his  edition  of  Blackstone's  Commentaries,  in 
favor  of  a  gradual  emancipation  of  slaves.  That  Appen 
dix  I  have  not  seen  in  thirty  odd  years,  and,  in  the  same 
period,  have  read  scarcely  any  thing  on  the  subject ;  but 
my  early  impressions  are  fresh  and  unchanged.  Hence, 


POWERS  OF  CONGRESS  ON  THIS  QUESTION.  353 

if  I  had  had  the  honor  of  a  seat  in  the  Virginia  Legislature 
in  the  winter  of  1831-2,  when  a  bill  was  brought  forward 
to  carry  out  those  views,  I  should  certainly  have  given  it 
my  hearty  support. 

"  I  suppose  I  scarcely  need  say  that,  in  my  opinion, 
Congress  has  no  color  of  authority,  under  the  Constitu 
tion,  for  touching  the  relation  of  master  and  slave  within 
a  state. 

"  I  hold  the  opposite  opinion  in  respect  to  the  District 
of  Columbia.  Here,  with  the  consent  of  the  owners,  or 
on  the  payment  of  'just  compensation,'  Congress  may 
legislate  at  its  discretion.  But  my  conviction  is  equally 
strong  that,  unless  it  be  step  by  step  with  the  Legislatures 
of  Virginia  and  Maryland,  it  would  be  dangerous  to  both 
races  in  those  states  to  touch  the  relation  between  master 
and  slave  in  this  District. 

"  I  have  from  the  first  been  of  opinion  that  Congress 
was  bound  by  the  Constitution  to  receive,  to  refer,  and  to 
report  upon  petitions  relating  to  domestic  slavery  as  in 
the  case  of  all  other  petitions ;  but  I  have  not  failed  to 
see  and  to  regret  the  unavoidable  irritation  which  the 
former  have  produced  in  the  Southern  States,  with  the 
consequent  peril  to  the  two  colors,  whereby  the  adoption 
of  any  plan  of  emancipation  has  everywhere  among  us 
been  greatly  retarded. 

"  I  own,  myself,  no  slave ;  but  never  have  attached 
blame  to  masters  for  not  liberating  their  slaves — well 
knowing  that  liberation,  without  the  means  of  sending 
them  in  comfort  to  some  position  favorable  to  '  the  pur 
suit  of  happiness,'  would,  in  most  cases,  be  highly  inju 
rious  to  all  around,  as  well  as  to  the  manumitted  families 
themselves — unless  the  operation  were  general  and  under 


354  THE  COMPENSATING  BENEFIT. 

the  auspices  of  prudent  legislation.  But  I  am  persuaded 
that  it  is  a  high  moral  obligation  of  masters  and  slave- 
holding  states  to  employ  all  means,  not  incompatible  with 
the  safety  of  both  colors,  to  meliorate  slavery  even  to  ex 
termination. 

"  It  is  gratifying  to  know  that  general  melioration  has 
been  great,  and  is  still  progressive,  notwithstanding  the 
disturbing  causes  alluded  to  above.  The  more  direct 
process  of  emancipation  may,  no  doubt,  be  earlier  com 
menced  and  quickened  in  some  communities  than  in 
others.  Each,  I  do  not  question,  has  the  right  to  judge 
for  itself,  both  as  to  time  and  means,  and  I  consider  inter 
ference  or  aid  from  without,  except  on  invitation  from 
authority  within,  to  be  as  hurtful  to  the  sure  progress  of 
melioration,  as  it  may  be  fatal  to  the  lives  of  vast  multi 
tudes  of  all  ages,  sexes,  and  colors.  The  work  of  libera 
tion  cannot  deforced  without  such  horrid  results.  Chris 
tian  philanthropy  is  ever  mild  and  considerate.  Hence 
all  violence  ought  to  be  deprecated  by  the  friends  of  re 
ligion  and  humanity.  Their  persuasions  cannot  fail  at  the 
right  time  to  free  the  master  from  the  slave,  and  the  slave 
from  the  master ;  perhaps  before  the  latter  shall  have 
found  out  and  acknowledged  that  the  relation  between  the 
parties  had  long  been  mutually  prejudicial  to  their  worldly 
interests. 

"  There  is  no  evil  without,  in  the  order  of  Providence, 
some  compensating  benefit.  The  bleeding  African  was 
torn  from  his  savage  home  by  his  ferocious  neighbors, 
sold  into  slavery,  and  cast  upon  this  continent.  Here,  in 
the  mild  South,  the  race  has  wonderfully  multiplied,  com 
pared  with  any  thing  ever  known  in  barbarous  life.  The 
descendants  of  a  few  thousands  have  become  many  mil- 


THE  SMOOTH  PATH  OF  CHARITY.          355 

lions ;  and  all,  from  the  first,  made  acquainted  with  the 
arts  of  civilization,  and,  above  all,  brought  under  the  light 
of  the  Gospel. 

"  From  the  promise  made  to  Abraham,  some  two  thou 
sand  years  had  elapsed  before  the  advent  of  our  Saviour, 
and  the  Israelites,  the  chosen  people  of  God,  were,  for 
wise  purposes,  suffered  to  remain  in  bondage  longer  than 
Africans  have  been  on  our  shore.  This  race  has  already 
experienced  the  resulting  compensations  alluded  to  ;  and, 
as  the  white  missionary  has  never  been  able  to  penetrate 
the  dark  regions  of  Africa,  or  to  establish  himself  in  its 
interior,  it  may  be  within  the  scheme  of  Providence  that 
the  great  work  of  spreading  the  Gospel  over  that  vast 
continent,  with  all  the  arts  and  comforts  of  civilization,  is 
to  be  finally  accomplished  by  the  black  man  restored  from 
American  bondage.  A  foothold  there  has  already  been 
gained  for  him,  and  in  such  a  scheme  centuries  are  but 
as  seconds  to  Him  who  moves  worlds  as  man  moves  a 
finger. 

"  I  do  but  suggest  the  remedies  and  consolations  of 
slavery,  to  inspire  patience,  hope,  and  charity  on  all  sides. 
The  mighty  subject  calls  for  the  exercise  of  all  man's 
wisdom  and  virtue,  and  these  may  not  suffice  without  aid 
from  a  higher  source. 

"  It  is  in  the  foregoing  manner,  my  dear  sir,  that  I  have 
long  been  in  the  habit,  in  conversation,  of  expressing  my 
self,  all  over  our  common  country,  on  the  question  of 
negro  slavery,  and  I  must  say  that  I  have  found  but  very 
few  persons  to  differ  with  me,  however  opposite  their 
geographical  positions. 

"  Such  are  the  views  or  opinions  which  you  seek.  I 
cannot  suppress  or  mutilate  them,  although  now  liable  to 


356        SCOTT'S  LETTER  TO  THE  PEACE  SOCIETY. 

be   more    generally   known.     Do  with   them   what  you 
please.     I  neither  court  nor  shun  publicity. 

"  I  remain,  very  truly,  yours, 
"  WINFIELD  SCOTT. 

"  T.  P.  Atkinson,  Esq.,  Danville,  Virginia." 

For  many  years  a  numerous  body  of  religious  and  phi 
lanthropic  individuals  in  the  United  States  have  believed 
and  inculcated,  that  peace  was  the  best  condition  of  hu 
man  society,  and  that  wars  were  injurious  and  ought  to 
be  discouraged.  The  Society  of  Friends  were  foremost 
in  this,  as  they  have  been  in  several  other  noble  and  ex 
cellent  principles  and  practices.  Many  members  of  other 
religious  societies  adopted  the  same  ideas,  and  have  been 
consistent  and  firm  in  their  endeavors  to  impress  them  on 
the  public  mind. 

General  Scott,  though  a  soldier  by  profession,  and  cer 
tainly  one  of  no  little  renown,  had  nevertheless,  at  three 
several  and  remarkable  epochs,  been  not  only  the  friend 
of  peace,  but  had  exerted  himself  successfully  in  preserv 
ing  it. 

About  a  year  since,  the  secretary  of  the  General  Peace 
Society  addressed  to  General  Scott  a  letter  on  the  same 
subject,  of  his  answer  to  which  the  following  is  a  copy — 

"  Washington,  March  24th,  1845. 

"  I  have  received  your  letter  of  the  21st  instant,  accom 
panied  by  certain  Proceedings  of  the  General  Peace  Con 
vention. 

"  My  participation  in  war,  as  well  as  endeavors  on  sev 
eral  occasions  to  preserve  peace,  without  sacrificing  the 


HIS  ARTICLE  IN  A  PEACE  ALBUM.         357 

honor  and  the  interests  of  ray  country,  are  matters  of  pub 
lic  history.  These  antecedents,  together  with  my  senti 
ments  on  the  abstract  question  of  peace  and  war,  inserted  a 
year  ago  in  a  Peace  Album,  and  since  published,  I  learn, 
in  several  journals,  might  be  offered  as  a  sufficient  reply 
to  your  communication. 

"  I  have  always  maintained  the  moral  right  to  wage  a 
just  and  necessary  war,  and,  consequently,  the  wisdom 
and  humanity,  as  applicable  to  the  United  States,  in  the 
present  state  of  the  world,  of  defensive  preparations.  If  the 
principal  nations  of  the  earth  liable  to  come  in  conflict 
with  us  in  our  natural  growth  and  just  pursuits,  can  be 
induced  to  disarm,  I  should  be  happy  to  see  the  United 
States  follow  the  example.  But  without  a  general  agree 
ment  to  that  effect,  and  a  strong  probability  that  it  would 
be  carried  out  in  good  faith  by  others,  I  am  wholly  op 
posed  to  giving  up  home  preparation,  and  the  natural  and 
Christian  right  of  self-defence. 

"  The  published  sentiments  alluded  to  may  not  have 
fallen  under  your  observation.     I  enclose  a  copy. 
"  I  remain  respectfully, 

"  Your  most  obedient  servant, 
"  WINFIELD  SCOTT. 
"J.  C.  Beckwith,  Esq.,  Corresponding  Secretary." 


[Written  in  a  Peace  Album.] 

"  Peace  and  War. 

"  If  war  be  the  natural  state  of  savage  tribes,  peace  is 
the  first  want  of  every  civilized  community.  War  no 
doubt  is,  under  any  circumstances,  a  great  calamity ;  yet 


358  RESPONSIBILITY  OF  GOVERNORS. 

submission  to  outrage  would  often  be  a  greater  calamity. 
Of  the  two  parties  to  any  war,  one,  at  least,  must  be  in 
the  wrong — not  unfrequently  both.  An  error  in  such  an 
issue  is,  on  the  part  of  chief  magistrates,  ministers  of 
state,  and  legislators  having  a  voice  in  the  question,  a 
crime  of  the  greatest  magnitude.  The  slaying  of  an  indi 
vidual  by  an  individual  is,  in  comparative  guilt,  but  a 
drop  of  blood.  Hence  the  highest  moral  obligation  to 
treat  national  differences  with  temper,  justice,  and  fair 
ness  ;  always  to  see  that  the  cause  of  war  is  not  only 
just  but  sufficient ;  to  be  sure  that  we  do  not  covet  our 
neighbor's  lands,  ( nor  any  thing  that  is  his  ;'  that  we  are 
as  ready  to  give  as  to  demand  explanation,  apology,  in 
demnity  ;  in  short,  we  should  especially  remember,  '  all 
things  whatsoever  ye  would  that  men  should  do  to  you, 
do  ye  even  so  to  them.'  This  divine  precept  is  of  uni 
versal  obligation  :  it  is  as  applicable  to  rulers,  in  their 
transactions  with  other  nations,  as  to  private  individuals  in 
their  daily  intercourse  with  each  other.  Power  is  in-, 
trusted  by  '  the  Author  of  peace  and  lover  of  concord,'  to 
do  good  and  to  avoid  evil.  Such,  clearly,  is  the  revealed 
will  of  God. 

"  WINFIELD  SCOTT. 
"Washington,  April  26,  1844." 


In  the  letters  recorded  above,  are  General  Scott's  opin 
ions  on  some  of  the  most  important  political  and  social 
topics  agitated  within  a  few  years  in  our  country.  They 
are  expressed,  as  they  were  entertained  by  him,  at  the  time 
they  were  published.  They  were  uttered  frankly,  with 
the  straightforwardness  of  one  unacquainted  with  the  arts 


CHANGE  AND  PROGRESS  OF  NATIONS.  359 

of  dissimulation.  They  were  thrown  open  to  the  objec 
tion  of  opponents  and  the  censure  of  critics.  If  errors 
were  found,  it  should  be  remembered  that  they  were  not 
errors  promulgated  for  private  advantage,  nor  sought  to 
be  imposed  upon  the  people  by  the  tricks  of  a  tradesman 
in  politics. 

Upon  these  and  all  other  measures  of  policy,  a  public 
man  has  a  right,  not  merely  to  utter  what  are  now  his 
opinions,  but  to  modify  them  as  time  advances.  This  is 
one  of  the  liberties  of  an  American  statesman.  It  actually 
occurs  in  the  mind  of  every  man  in  America  who  has 
been  long  in  public  life.  Jefferson,  Madison,  Clay,  and 
numerous  others  of  less  note,  have  been  obliged  to  review 
their  opinions  of  men  and  measures,  and  correct  them  by 
the  lights  of  experience  and  reflection. 

Neither  nations  nor  individuals  stand  still,  and  as  he 
will  never  be  deemed  a  wise  man  who  refuses  to  adapt 
his  measures  to  his  circumstances,  so  neither  can  he  be 
deemed  a  wise  statesman  who  does  not  admit  the  possi 
bility  of  a  change  of  measures.  In  reference,  therefore, 
to  any  or  all  the  opinions  of  American  statesmen,  on  pub 
lic  policy,  not  inconsistent  with  the  elementary  principles 
of  the  government,  a  wise  discretion  requires  the  possibil 
ity  of  modifications.  A  life  of  public  service,  an  un 
swerving  fidelity  to  all  the  trusts  of  man  and  country,  an 
integrity  of  character  beyond  any  just  reproach,  a  dis 
interestedness  which  has  acquired  no  fortune  from  the 
public  treasury  and  made  no  merchandise  of  the  public 
offices,  are  of  higher  value,  in  the  estimation  of  honest 
freemen,  than  vague  opinions  extorted  from  ambition  by 
the  demands  of  party. 

BIOGRAPHY  we  have  already  defined  to  be  a  leaf  from 


360     THE  ACTS  INSEPARABLE  FROM  THE  ACTOR. 

history.  The  history  itself  is  known  by  these  leaves,  just 
as  the  naturalist  knows  the  forest-tree  by  the  foliage  it 
bears.  And,  when  he  would  describe  it,  he  must  do  it 
with  precision.  He  must  give  it  just  proportions,  shade 
it  in  true  colors,  and  define  the  qualities  it  possesses.  If 
he  does  not  thus  accurately  describe  it,  the  tree  itself  can 
nd  longer  be  distinguished  from  others.  Even  the  forest 
becomes  undistinguishable  in  its  several  parts  ;  but  is  seen 
like  the  blue  sides  of  distant  mountains,  as  something 
rising  up  before  the  eyes  in  a  gray  mist,  with  its  various 
parts  mingled  into  a  common  mass,  and  its  various  colors 
blended  into  a  common  hue. 

Such  is  history.  The  state  is  composed  of  individual 
persons.  The  acts  of  the  state  are  the  acts  of  these 
individuals,  and  when  they  shall  cease  to  be  truly  de 
scribed,  the  state  will  cease  to  have  a  true  history.  The 
facts  of  society  will  be  delineated  only  as  the  fictions 
of  fancy,  and  the  realms  of  truth  fade  into  the  regions  of 
romance. 

WINFIELD  SCOTT  is  one  of  those  individuals  whose  acts 
have  made  the  acts  of  the  American  state.  His  biogra 
phy  is  a  leaf  from  the  history  of  that  state.  As  such  we 
have  written  it.  As  such  we  have  delineated  it  with  the 
peri  of  truth,  nor  have  added  one  dash  from  the  pencil  of 
flattery.  We  have  written  nothing  which  is  false,  ex 
aggerated  nothing  which  is  true,  and  omitted  nothing 
which,  being  given,  would  change  the  color  of  the  record. 
We  have  described  no  hero  of  the  imagination,  and  robed 
no  hero  of  reality  with  garments  which  do  not  belong  to 
him.  We  have  simply  and  only  told  the  story  of  a  public 
life,  as  it  stands  on  the  public  records,  naked  of  that 
flimsy  but  often  beautiful  dress  which  is  woven  by  the  art 


CHARACTER  OF  GENERAL  SCOTT.  361 

of  language  to  distort  the  simplicity  of  truth.  Whatever 
of  the  admirable  in  action,  or  the  faithful  in  principle,  may 
be  included  within  it,  belongs  not  to  us  but  to  history. 

In  all  the  scenes  of  his  life  General  Scott  has  been  con 
sistent  with  duty  and  himself — a  warrior  in  war  and  a 
pacificator  in  peace.  His  qualifications  for  public  service 
were  various.  Bred  to  the  "  science  rather  than  the  prac 
tice  of  the  law,"  he  has  ever  been  himself  obedient  to  its 
stern  requirements,  and  in  his  administration  of  it,  has  tem 
pered  justice  with  mercy.  The  elements  of  his  character 
were  integrity,  justice,  judgment,  and  firmness.  These 
were  adorned  by  the  graces  of  an  ardent  and  generous 
spirit,  and  sustained  by  an  indomitable  moral  courage. 
The  claims  of  the  private  soldier,  and  those  of  the  officer 
highest  in  rank,  have  ever  received  from  him  the  same 
patient  attention  ;  and  as  an  evidence  of  the  vigilance  with 
which  he  has  watched  over  the  rights  of  all,  and  of  his 
fixed  purpose  to  protect  the  humblest  individual  of  his 
command,  we  subjoin  two  orders,  which  are  fair  speci 
mens  of  the  ability,  temper,  and  spirit,  that  have  governed 
him  in  the  administration  of  the  affairs  of  the  army. 

When  we  think,  in  closing  this  brief  passage  of  history, 
of  what  our  country  has  done,  and  what  it  has  become,  in 
the  short  period  here  considered,  we  are  filled  with  won 
der,  and  ask  where  are  the  limits  of  its  growth  and  its 
power  ?  Occupying  a  land  capable  of  containing  double 
all  the  nations  of  Europe  ;  multiplying  with  such  amazing 
rapidity  that  it  increased  four-fold  in  fifty  years ;  governed 
by  such  elastic  institutions  that  it  is  uncompressed  in  any 
direction ;  possessing  the  elements  of  all  the  arts  and 
sciences  ;  blooming  with  the  foliage  of  a  soil  fertile  be 
yond  estimate  ;  and  possessing  the  mild  and  beautiful 


362  OUR  COUNTRY  AND  ITS  DESTINY. 

religion  and  morals  of  Christianity — what  will  arrest  the 
progress  of  the  American  nation  ?  What  can  arrest  it,  but 
some  infatuation  of  folly,  by  which,  blind  to  experience, 
or  forgetful  of  its  responsibility  to  God's  authority,  it 
shall  turn  from  the  paths  of  wisdom,  or  reject  the  teach 
ings  of  Divine  instruction  ?  Then,  indeed,  when  the  na 
tion  shall  say,  with  Nebuchadnezzar,  "  Is  not  this  the 
great  Babylon,  that  I  have  built  for  the  house  of  the 
kingdom,  by  the  might  of  my  power,  and  for  the  honor  of 
my  majesty  ?"  a  voice  may  declare,  as  it  did  to  Egypt,  to 
Babylon,  and  to  Rome,  "  The  kingdom  is  departed." 
While,  however,  this  nation  shall  remain  a  people  sensible 
to  the  teachings  of  history,  and  sensible  to  the  obligations 
of  true  religion,  who  shall  set  limits  to  its  progress  ? 
While  events  are  written  they  are  past.  When  prophecy 
is  spoken,  it  is  fulfilled.  Growth  is  in  every  thing. 
The  hand  of  transition  is  upon  every  thing.  Scene  after 
scene  rises  before  us,  like  dissolving  pictures,  now  ap 
proaching,  and  now  fading  from  us.  We  look,  and  in  vain 
search  for  limits  to  this  amazing  growth.  With  wearied 
eye  we  turn  to  the  advancing  generations  of  posterity,  as 
they  who  alone  can  disclose  and  understand  these  won 
ders  of  destiny. 


THE  END. 


NOTES.  363 


GENERAL  SCOTT'S  ORDERS. 

Adjutant-General's  Office,  Eastern  Department, 
Governor's  Island,  September  2,  1822. 

CONFIDENTIAL 
ORDER. 

THE  major-general  commanding  cannot  approve,  for  reasons  given 
below,  of  the  proceedings  and  finding  of  the  general  court-martial, 
of  which  Captain  Heileman  is  president,  in  the  case  of  Lieutenant 

H ,  and  requests  the  court  to  reconsider  the  same,  at  least  so 

far  as  respects  the  finding. 

In  the  case  of  Moore,  the  court  find,  that  "  he,  Lieutenant  H , 

received  insolence,  which  deserved  chastisement  in  a  civil  or  mili 
tary  community."  This  is  not  disputed,  but  the  law  of  the  land  had 
provided  a  tribunal  other  than  the  officer  who  was  the  subject  of 
the  insolence,  for  the  trial  and  punishment  of  the  offence.  See  the 
6th  and  24th  articles  of  war,  and  also  the  imperious  injunction, 
"  that  punishment  shall  be  strictly  conformable  to  martial  law" 
(General  Regulations,  art.  ii.  part  1.)  There  is  no  evidence  that 
the  blows  were  necessary  to  prevent  the  escape  of  the  man  ;  that  is, 
to  secure  his  person  for  a  trial  by  a  court.  On  the  contrary,  Lieu 
tenant  H seems  to  have  imagined  (and  the  court  justify  the 

usurpation)  that  he  was  invested  with  full  power  to  punish  the 
offence  on  the  spot.  Thus  have  the  lieutenant  and  the  court  wholly 
disregarded  the  law  and  regulations  on  questions  of  this  kind,  as 
well  as  the  recent  orders  from  the  head-quarters  of  this  department, 
touching  the  cases  of  Lieutenant  C.  and  G. 

There  is  no  evidence  that  any  previous  spirit  of  mutiny  existed,  to 
afford  a  pretext  for  extorting  a  confession,  or  for  the  punishment  of  that 
spirit  before  it  had  broken  out  into  overt  acts,  as  in  the  three  other 
cases.  It  rather  appears  that  the  mutiny,  which  did  in  fact  afterwards 
occur,  was  excited  by  the  first  illegal  flogging.  Evidence  enough 
is  recorded,  to  render  this  conclusion  highly  probable,  although  from 
the  manner  in  which  the  prisoner  was  suffered  to  plead,  the  record 
is  very  barren  as  to  many  material  circumstances.  Thus  the  judge- 
advocate  neither  offered  in  evidence  the  prisoner's  letter,  trans 
mitted  from  head-quarters,  nor  has  he  returned  it  with  record. 


364  NOTES. 

"  In  the  three  latter  instances  (the  flogging  of  Hibbard,  M'Collister, 
and  Goble)  the  court  find,  that  forcible,  and  exemplary,  and  imrne* 
diate  measures,  were  necessary  to  quell  the  spirit  of  insubordina 
tion  then  existing  among  the  men,  and  for  the  good  of  the  service." 
If  the  court  mean  by  "  forcible,  and  immediate,  and  exemplary 
measures,"  the  flogging  inflicted  the  next  morning  after  the  mutiny 
was  in  fact  quelled,  that  is,  after  the  three  principals  were  lodged  in 
the  guard-house,  (the  night  before,)  and  who  safely  remained  there 
until  taken  out  to  be  flogged  without  trial,  the  major-general  com 
manding  utterly  disagrees  with  the  court.  As  punishments,  nothing 
could  have  been  more  illegal  than  those  floggings,  and  as  a  means 
of  procuring  confessions,  they  were  inquisitorial,  and  entirely  at 
war  with  the  institutions  and  feelings  of  the  country. 

If,  in  the  act  of  quelling  the  mutiny,  Lieutenant  H — : —  had 
found  it  necessary  to  cut  down  the  mutineers,  or  even  if  death  had 
been  inflicted,  there  is  no  doubt  that  he  would  have  been  honorably 
acquitted  by  any  tribunal,  military  or  civil. 

The  major-general  commanding  would  have  been  content  with 
some  slight  punishment  in  this  case,  considering  Lieutenant  H.'s 
high  standing,  up  to  the  date  of  this  transaction,  but  he  does  not 
see  how  the  court  can  wholly  acquit  him,  and  at  the  same  time 
sentence,  capitally,  the  subject  of  illegal  flogging* 

The  court  will  therefore  revise  its  proceedings  in  this  case. 

By  order  of  MAJOR-GENERAL  SCOTT. 


GENERAL  ORDERS.  )  Head  Quarters  of  the  Army,  ) 

No.  53.          \  Washington,  Aug.  20,  1842.  \ 

1.  Intimations,  through  many   channels,  received    at   General 
Head  Quarters,  lead  to  more  than  a  suspicion  that  blows,  kicks, 
cuffs,  and  lashes,  against  law,  the  good  of  the  service,  and  the  faith  of 
government,  have,  in  many  instances,  down  to  a  late  period,  been 
inflicted  on  private  soldiers  of  the  army  by  their  officers  and  non 
commissioned  officers. 

2.  It  is  due  to  the  line  generally,  to  add,  that  those  intimations 
refer  almost  exclusively  to  the and regiments. 

3.  Inquiries  into  the  reported  abuses  are  in  progress,  with  in 
structions,  if  probable  evidence  of  guilt  be  found,  to  bring  the  of 
fenders  to  trial. 


NOTES.  365 

4.  It  is  well  known  to  every  vigilant  officer,  that  discipline  can 
be  maintained  ( — and  it  shall  be  so  maintained — )  by  legal  means. 
Other  resorts  are,  in  the  end,  always  destructive  of  good  order  and 
subordination. 

5.  Insolence,   disobedience,    mutiny,   are    the    usual    provoca 
tions  to  unlawful  violence.     But  these  several  offences  are  de 
nounced  by  the  6th,  7th,  and  9th  of  the  rules  and  articles  of  war, 
and  made  punishable  by  the  sentence  of  courts-martial.     Instead, 
however,  of  waiting  for  such  judgment,  according  to  the  nature  and 
degree  of  guilt,  deliberately  found — the  hasty  and  conceited — losing 
all  self-control  and  dignity  of  command — assume  that  their  indi 
vidual  importance  is  more  outraged  than  the  majesty  of  law,  and 
act,  at  once,  as  legislators,  judges,  and  executioners.     Such  gross 
usurpation  is  not  to  be  tolerated  in  any  well-governed  army. 

6.  For  insolent  words  addressed  to  a  superior,  let  the  soldier  be 
ordered  into  confinement.     This,  of  itself,  if  followed  by  prompt 
repentance  and  apology,  may  often  be  found  a  sufficient  punishment. 
If  not,  a  court  can  readily  authorize  the  final  remedy.     A  delibe 
rate,  or  unequivocal  breach  of  orders,  is  treated  with  yet  greater 
judicial  rigor ;  and,  in  a  clear  case  of  mutiny,  the  sentence  would, 
in  all  probability,  extend  to  life.     It  is  evident,  then,  that  there  is 
not  even  a  pretext  for  punishments  decreed  on  individual  assump 
tion,  and  at  the  dictate  of  pride  and  resentment. 

7.  But  it  may  be  said  in  the  case  of  mutiny,  or  conduct  tending 
to  this  great  crime — that  it  is  necessary  to  cut  down,  on  the  spot, 
the  exciter  or  ringleader.     First ,  order  him  to  be  seized.     If  his 
companions  put  him  into  irons  or  confinement,  it  is  plain  there  is  no 
spread  of  the  dangerous  example.     But,  should  they  hesitate  ;  or 
should  it  be  necessary  in  any  case  of  disobedience,  desertion,  or 
running  away — the  object  being  to  secure  the  person  for  trial;  as 
always  to  repel  a  personal  assault,  or  to  stop  an  affray — in  every 
one  of  these  cases  any  superior  may  strike  and  wound  ;  but  only  to 
the  extent  clearly  necessary  to  such  lawful  end.  Any  excess,  wanton 
ly  committed  beyond  such  measured  violence,  would,  itself,  be  pun 
ishable  in  the  superior.     No  other  case  can  possibly  justify  any  supe 
rior  in  committing  violence  upon  the  body  of  any  inferior,  without 
the  judgment  of  a  court — except  that  it  may  sometimes  be  necessary 
by  force  to  iron  prisoners,  for  security,  or  to  gag  them,  for  quiet. 


366  NOTES. 

8.  Harsh  and  abusive  words,  passionately  or  wantonly  applied  to 
unoffending  inferiors,  is  but  little  less  reprehensible.     Such  language 
is  at  once  unjust,  vulgar,  and  unmanly ;  and,  in  this  connection,  it 
tnay  be  useful  to  recall  a  passage  from  the  old  General  Regulations 
for  the  Army. 

"  The  general  deportment  of  officers  towards  juniors  or  inferiors, 
will  be  carefully  watched  and  regulated.  If  this  be  cold  or  harsh, 
on  the  one  hand,  or  grossly  familiar  on  the  other,  the  harmony  or 
discipline  of  the  corps  cannot  be  maintained.  The  examples  are 
numerous  and  brilliant,  in  which  the  most  conciliatory  manners 
have  been  found  perfectly  compatible  with  the  exercise  of  the  strict 
est  command ;  and  the  officer  who  does  not  unite  a  high  degree 
of  moral  vigor  with  the  civility  that  springs  from  the  heart,  cannot 
too  soon  choose  another  profession  in  which  imbecility  would  be 
less  conspicuous,  and  harshness  less  wounding  and  oppressive." 

9.  Government  not  only  reposes  "  special  trust  and  confidence  in 
the  patriotism,  valor,  fidelity,  and  abilities  of"  army  officers,  as  is 
expressed  on  the  face  of  commissions  ;  but  also  in  their  self-con 
trol,  respect  for  law,  and  gentlemanly  conduct  on  all  occasions.     A 
failure  under  either  of  those  heads  ought  always  to  be  followed  by 
the  loss  of  a  commission. 

10.  At  a  time  when,  notwithstanding  the  smallness  of  the  estab 
lishment,  thousands  of  the  most  promising  youths  are  desirous  of 
military  commissions,  the    country  has   a   right  to  demand — not 
merely  the  usual  exact  observance  of  laws,  regulations,  and  orders, 
but  yet  more — that  every  officer  shall  give  himself  up  entirely  to 
the  cultivation  and  practice  of  all  the  virtues  and  accomplishments 
which  can  elevate  an  honorable  profession.     There  is  in  the  army 
of  the  United  States,  neither  room  nor  associates  for  the  idle,  the 
ignorant,  the  vicious,  the  disobedient.     To  the  very  few  such,  thinly 
scattered  over  the  service — whether  in  the  line  or  the  staff — these 
admonitions  are  mainly  addressed ;  and  let  the  vigilant  eye  of  all 
commanders  be  fixed  upon  them.     No  bad  or  indifferent  officer 
should  receive  from  a  senior  any  favor  or  indulgence  whatsoever. 

11.  The  attention   of   commanders  of  departments,  regiments, 
companies,  and  garrisons,  is  directed  to  the  101st  of  the  rules  and 
articles  of  war,  which  requires  that  the  whole  series  shall  be  read  to 
the  troops  at  least  once  in  every  six  months. 


7    / 

o   // 


6 


UCSB   lIBRAftf 


UC  SOUTHERN  REGIONAL  LIBRARY  FACILITY 


A     000656316     7 


